Who's not here...? Working towards keeping "absentee students" at school

Section Two: Outcomes of the Study

Chapter Four - Policy and Procedures

This chapter explores the reasons why schools felt it was a good idea to have attendance policies and systems for monitoring and following up absences. It also covers the role of the boards of trustees in matters of attendance.

WHY HAVE AN ATTENDANCE POLICY?

A number of the schools visited did not have a written policy or statement on attendance included in their charter or school scheme. Those that did not said simply that the children were expected to attend school. One of these schools, however, said that parents were asked to sign a statement at the bottom of the enrolment form stating that they would ensure that their child attended school whenever it was open.

For those that did have a statement, it was usually very brief and generally expressed the belief that regular attendance at school was essential to the educational progress of the student and enabled them to take advantage of every opportunity offered to them. Three schools also included a statement to the effect that attendance was required by law. These statements were clear and simple and were given to all parents. As one principal said -

‘We have outlined our policy… (our) own steps… so (we) know what we are doing.... The parents know that we will be following them up and we point out what our expectations are.’

One school had made attendance its main policy focus for 1991 and had an extensive statement to this effect. It had also allocated a considerable amount of resources, both human and monetary, to this end. (At the time the interviews for this study were carried out a formal evaluation of the effect of this policy had not been carried out. The staff felt intuitively however, that it had been effective especially as they had had only one case of bunking at the third form level since the beginning of the school year.)

Through this process, all parents and students were informed of the school’s philosophy regarding education, and were expected to abide by it.

WHY HAVE A SYSTEM FOR MONITORING ATTENDANCE AND FOLLOWING UP ABSENCES?

Having a policy on attendance was not, in itself, sufficient to ensure that students attended school when they were supposed to.

Staff in all the schools visited for this study agreed that monitoring school attendance was worthwhile thing to do and that all schools should do it and do it well. To this end, most schools also had clearly defined guidelines and steps which they followed throughout this process. These procedures were presented in the school handbook, if not always in the school charter or scheme.

It was generally felt that students should be encouraged to attend school regularly from an early age and that school should be a place that they wished to attend.

One of the schools visited had undertaken research or truancy patterns in their area some years prior to this visit and their findings confirmed the belief that patterns of attendance and non-attendance at school are established at an early age -
 
‘The pupils in this year’s form 3, who have a poor attendance record, were absent from intermediate school three times as often as their contemporaries and from primary school twice as often. It seems that the problems we have at the college may have their origin in the early school years of our pupils.¹’

Thus efforts to encourage attendance and good systems for monitoring attendance and following up absences were seen to be every bit as necessary at the primary school level as they were at the secondary level. If good patterns of attendance could be established at an early age, then there would be fewer attendance problems for secondary schools to deal with.

In one school where it was recognised that teacher attendance was also a problem and was not setting a very good example for the students (they would also stay away if they knew their teacher was away), the principal had instituted certain procedures to monitor and follow-up staff absences as well as those of the students.

Pupils were seen to benefit directly from procedures to monitor their attendance and follow up their absences. At one school that was visited the assistant principal commented -

‘Because we’ve got them here and we’ve got more of them here there’s less problems going on down town. There’s less of our students shoplifting. There’s less people running away and living on the streets than there were last year. It’s a direct result of checking very closely on attendance and following it up straight away. Before any really big problems develop, you’ve nipped it in the bud.’

Several schools commented that absence from school was often associated with petty crime in their area - graffiti, shoplifting, and vandalism. An intermediate school principal felt that it was necessary to be vigilant, because ‘if you weren’t the problems had a tendency to multiply’.

When talking about the system as it operated in her school a senior mistress said that from her experience in other schools, a lot of absences went unnoticed and if they were picked up it was by luck. At her present school, however, although some absences were picked up by luck, the system they operated accounted for most of them. She went an to say -

‘It (the system) makes it sound a bit like……state prison, this place, but we’re not really. We do have to keep a very tough look on a lot of our students. I feel that we’ve got to have pretty rigid rules for youngsters to follow and it makes it easier for them. They have to know the rules….. and then there’s no way of them wriggling out. It’s reality time.’

The students were not the only people seen to benefit from effective attendance procedures. Several schools felt that staff also benefited - their stress levels were reduced if the roles of individuals involved in the monitoring and follow-up were clearly defined and everyone knew exactly what happened and when; and also that their concerns about students were acted upon, and feedback was given on the action taken and the progress being made.

The staff interviewed could say with some considerable pride that there were very few children that they ‘lost’, that they knew where virtually all their students were and what the students’ plans were. This, they said, was directly attributable to their systems for monitoring attendance and following up absences.

The bottom line reason for having an effective system for monitoring attendance, following up absences and documenting steps taken, is that such records are needed it schools ever have to institute prosecution proceedings.
 

‘Have some form of recording……. what steps have been taken because we’ve found we do need to keep records. There’s no point in talking to parents unless you can say ‘on 5th May....’ Ultimately (you’ve) got to have that anyway if you’re going to prosecute.’

In schools where systems were working, there was a belief that, despite all the time, effort, and cost involved In monitoring and following up absenteeism, it was nevertheless worthwhile to keep trying to check attendance and reduce absenteeism. Schools remarked that doing so ‘improved the tone’ of the school in general - ie. they believed that if students and parents perceived that the school did not care about students not turning up at school at all, being late and ‘bunking’, that this would result in poor attitudes and reduce optimal teaching and learning opportunity. Student safety was also important to schools and this was ensured, to the best of the schools’ ability, by their systems.

THE ROLE OF THE BOARDS OF TRUSTEES

The boards of trustees representatives who were interviewed in this study all understood that the legal responsibility boards had with regard to attendance was to ensure that the students enrolled attended the school. How they went about doing this varied from board to board. Just what they were allowed to do legally was a bit confused. It was obvious from the responses of board members that they saw the problem of non-attendance at school as part of an overall problem needing wide ranging solutions.

Most boards adopted a fairly ‘hands off’ approach when it came to matters of attendance They expected to be informed by the school of any serious matters and some would step in if they were asked to by the principal. Taking ‘reasonable steps’ to ensure attendance included backing up what the school was doing and, for some, talking to and advising parents, ensuring that the school was an attractive place to be for the students as well as assisting schools in family conferences or prosecutions if that was considered necessary. Primary school boards of trustees were more likely than secondary school boards to become involved in family conferences through their discipline committee.

Boards were very aware of the barriers that faced schools in ensuring that all children attended school. For some schools it was the attitude of the parents and this meant that schools had to educate the parents as well as the children, and the boards saw this as their role, in part. Cost and time were the two most frequently mentioned barriers. Trying to keep children at school, especially those who do not want to be there or whose parents kept them at home, is both a costly and time-consuming exercise.

Very few boards liaised with other boards in their area on matters of attendance on a formal basis. Any liaison was generally ad hoc and sporadic and involved other matters as well as attendance. Three secondary schools and one primary did, however. Two of the secondary schools shared an attendance officer, and the third would contact other schools if they had a problem student who needed a new start or to get away from the pressures they were under in their school. One other secondary school replied that liaison was in the pipeline. The primary school was negotiating the employment of an attendance officer with other schools in the area.

Some Māori and Pacific Islands board members found that they were expected, as representatives, to take on additional responsibilities as board members. One member said that he felt he was expected ‘to be all things to all people’. They were generally expected to represent the Māori point of view and the Māori way of doing things in board matters. Others were expected to find a place for ‘things Māori in the curriculum -

‘In order to get Māori students to attend school more consistently they need to be enabled/encouraged to participate in relevant language and cultural events.’

- while others felt that they should educate the parents about the importance of education and try to get them to overcome their fears of the school hierarchy and to believe that they could also have a say in school matters.

One Māori member who was interviewed stated that -

‘Consultation and networking with (these) families is crucial. Ensuring that families have their say in a way in which they feel comfortable also helps and encourages their children so they feel comfortable about school.’

As individuals, board members may have had a more active role in attendance matters, such as visiting families, working in the school, liaising with other agencies etc, but boards of trustees, as a whole, delegated the responsibility for attendance to the schools.

 

Chapter Five - What Schools can do to Encourage all Students to Attend School

Although schools may adopt various strategies to encourage their students to attend school, these generally fall into one of two integral but clearly distinct components of the objective for improving or maintaining attendance itself. The first of these has been alluded to in the previous chapter, that is,, having a clearly documented and adhered to practice or system which sets the ground rules for all participants - teachers, students and parents - and forms a safety net for schools. The second is making schools attractive so that students want to attend school.

HAVING IN PLACE, AND PRACTICING ATTENDANCE POLICY AND/OR PROCEDURES

Most schools noted that having a set of well documented and clearly defined practices for monitoring attendance and following up absence, and ensuring that these ‘were known by students in particular, but also by parents and teachers, was important in encouraging school attendance. Schools believed that, if students and parents perceived that the school did not show they cared about students not turning up at school, being late or absenting themselves during the day, this would result in poor attitudes and reduce the optimal teaching and learning environment. Having an attendance officer was also noted as adding weight to this process. The practices, it was stated, must also be seen to be working, and working well, and the consequences of non-attendance known, as students are very quick to take advantage of ‘loopholes’ in a system. Parents in knowing and appreciating their role in the attendance monitoring process are more likely to ensure that their children attend school regularly and on time, or to notify the school if their child is going to be absent.

MAKING SCHOOLS ATTRACTIVE

A number, of common factors were identified by the respondents from all the schools visited as contributing to encouraging (all) children to attend school. These were primarily characteristics of the school itself such as - the school’s ‘climate’ and the programmes offered in the school; specific techniques used, such as awarding certificates for goad attendance; and other school factors such as having facilities considered attractive to students, for example, one school had a school cafeteria.

School Environment

School Climate

Almost all primary and secondary schools alike, overwhelmingly considered that their school’s climate, or aspects which contributed towards this, encouraged children to attend school. Respondents believed their schools to be attractive to children, to be enjoyable and to emphasise a caring approach towards their students rather than a punitive one. The relationship between teachers and students was considered to be good, with teachers being supportive of their students through having positive attitudes towards them; believing that all Students can achieve; offering positive reinforcement through praise: and showing an interest in them. Teachers and students were also encouraged to greet each other both inside and outside school grounds in order to promote a friendly atmosphere in the school and to develop a good staff/student relationship. Students were also encouraged to show respect for one another, thereby developing a sense of respect for themselves as well.

Other factors suggested by schools which they felt contributed either directly or indirectly to attendance rates were a cooperative, sharing and supportive atmosphere. This included a whānau or vertical form structure within which the same dean (or teacher) stayed with the class throughout their years at college thereby ensuring that the staff member got to know the students and their parents very well; and having a strong guidance network whereby students can talk through their problems or concerns. The cultural sensitivity manifested by the school, and general sensitivity of teachers towards their students’ needs were also mentioned as vital factors. A number of schools hove particular people in the school whom students are comfortable about approaching to discuss problems (which could otherwise ultimately lead to non-attendance). Included amongst those identified were particular teachers to whom some students seemed to relate well, guidance personnel, kai awhina, and the school nurse. One school also had a well-liked parent and a member of the (Māori) community who sometimes came to the playground during breaks whom children approached quite freely about their concerns. Close liaison with the community in general, was also seen as important.

Having motivated teachers who were also involved in the schools extracurricular activities such as sports and clubs, helped staff ensure that schools were ‘exciting places for children to be in’. As one principal noted, it is up to the school to counteract the ‘pull’ factors operating out in the community which draw the children away from the school.

Programmes in the school

Offering stimulating class programmes and a wide range of subject options, to cater for bath the academically able and less able, as well as those experiencing problems in the classroom, was seen by schools as a way of offering ‘something for every child’. (Same schools had an extensive range of programmes.)

By offering diverse programmes schools were attempting to provide for students’ individual needs and achieve the objective of having all students achieve success; a result of this in many cases was an improved lever of school attendance. This process was further reinforced through schools offering student centred programmes and teaching to the pupil not the level, thereby encompassing the social, intellectual, emotional and physical qualities of the student. One school concluded that this method of teaching had on added bonus in that it reduced stress for the student participating in such programmes and others felt that it allowed the student to see the progress they were making. As one school said -

‘One of the things we’ve done with ACHIEVE is to get them to set goals every day. Motivation depends upon being able to see that you are making progress. I think in schools quite often kids can’t see progress; particularly with the competition... If you see yourself as a loser you see the challenge as being beyond you and you give up. Because... “why should I work, why should I try, when I know I’m never going to be any better than X or Y?” So that’s what we’ve tried to do too, to get away from the competition in that way, to say that you are all competing against yourself. In ACHIEVE they have to achieve five goals every day.’

With the objective of increasing retention and participation in the senior secondary school in mind (a number of schools noted that they had achieved this objective) almost all secondary schools indicated offering a variety of alternative courses or transition programmes. Although these were offered mainly at the form 6 and form 7 levels, a few schools also offered them at form 5. Alternative programmes were reported to be more individually tailored and were made available as modules (often offered as multi-level courses). For example a student might be taking some subjects at a form 6 and some at a form 7 level.

One school had instituted a Seventh Form Certificate course which was designed to be ‘stimulating and interesting’. Another school was very open with external agencies and students were able to undertake a variety of polytechnic courses, with some being run in the school itself. Transition programmes included pre-employment classes and work exploration; students from one school attended a work skills programme being offered on a local marae.

The special programmes a number of schools - both primary and secondary - were offering mainly included those catering for children requiring remedial or developmental attention, but some also catered for gifted or talented children. Equity funding assisted in allowing for small group work in at least one of these schools. A variety of other classes and programmes were offered by schools as well. These included bilingual classes, taha Māori, technicraft, and a fitness skills programme. One school referred to Its modular studies course, a course which was divided into six week time blocks, each black having specific achievable goals. The modular format was considered to provide a more instant feedback and reward for students.

Other activities in the school

it was suggested by schools, particularly secondary schools, that extracurricular activities run within the school further encouraged children to attend and gave students more opportunity of finding something that they enjoyed doing at school. A whole host of activities were being run, mainly sports, drama, music or cultural clubs, but also social events such as school dances. In one school, membership of the indoor basketball or rugby team was contingent upon a good school attendance record. These activities were held before and after school, as well as during the lunch hour and, because of this, reduced behavioural problems such as the incidence of glue sniffing as was noted by one school. This could have the effect of reducing further social problems which could in turn affect school attendance.

TECHNIQUES USED

A number of techniques for rewarding positive behaviour were adopted by schools to encourage school attendance for all children. Some of these were more informal (eg. giving praise directly to the student. fostering pride in the students themselves and in attending school), while some were more public (eg. acknowledging student’s behaviour and achievements at a school assembly). Praise or other forms of positive reinforcement were not necessarily given as a result of good school attendance per se, but were considered to affect it. One school which reported using a reward system that indirectly affected attendance involved teachers handing out stickers to students around the school for good behaviour. These stickers would then be put in a draw for free food from the school cafeteria

Other methods, used in nearly one third of the schools visited, were more directly related to school attendance itself. These revolved around the awarding of certificates usually based on attendance alone, but sometimes comprising one of a number of requirements to be met, such as achievement, behaviour and participation in sporting or other school activities. Where certificates were awarded for attendance alone, one school noted the dilemma posed by those children absent from school for legitimate reasons not having their otherwise exemplary attendance acknowledged. Certificates of attendance were awarded for perfect or near perfect attendance, each term and/or annually. To further encourage students to strive for the certificates these awards were usually publicly acknowledged by methods such as having a board of trustees member distribute them in assembly (sometimes parents or relations were invited to attend) or in class; and/or by displaying the names of the certificate-holders in public areas of the school. It was noted that both children and their parents were keen to have a certificate awarded and that they were sought after for including in curriculum vitae.
 

Other factors were suggested by schools which contributed to school attendance. These included student participation in the running of the school, specific or additional resources or facilities within in the school, and specific strategies adopted to encourage attendance.

Student Participation

A number of schools observed that, in order to achieve good attendance, schools need to ensure that students feel that they belong to the school and that they also feel that there is a point to being at school, particularly given what could be perceived for some as a bleak future given high levels of unemployment. Although this latter point was not seen as an issue for primary schools, it was commonly commented on by secondary and intermediate schools.

To some extent this challenge can be met within schools, by empowering students and improving their self-esteem. Schools noted there were a number of ways in which students could be given responsibility in the school organisation. These included having prefects or house leaders, student councillors, and having student representatives on the school council and board of trustees. Students could be involved in activities as a consequence of holding these positions, but could also be involved in activities in a more ad hoc way organising events and activities such as assemblies, inviting speakers to the school, and holding discussions with the local mayor on community issues and problems.

One school is piloting a scheme this year (1991) which involves the whole school (F3-F7). They went through a goal setting exercise for half a day, working on action plans and a time scale for these. It was considered that students would be more likely to internalise goals which they had helped determine, than they would goals imposed by the school. (A review of this was planned for mid-year.) ‘Taking control’ and goal setting was further promoted in this school, by means of inviting guest speakers, who had been successful (not just from the academic viewpoint) in their chosen field. Speakers, invited weekly or fortnightly, focussed on the theme of goal setting, action planning, doing something about one’s self, and, achieving goals.

Schools also adopted other ways of giving students some control over their school lives, such as allowing them to negotiate to change classes (although to prevent abuse of this, the principal had the last say in what moves would be made), and having free choice options within the teaching programme.

The Community

Involving and liaising with parents and with the community was considered by a number of primary and secondary schools, to be instrumental in encouraging school attendance. To enlist the support of parents one school had a policy of form teachers contacting parents at the start of the school year before any particular need arose. This type of relationship was more broad based than merely involving them in procedures used by schools to follow up absences, in that it was done to gain parent support in encouraging their own children as well as others to attend school. Having good rapport also allows for a greater exchange of information which may be valuable in developing strategies or dealing with unjustified absences.

To facilitate this relationship and to help parents in parenting skills which may in turn affect attendance, one school holds regular workshops on aspects such as health. Schools also ran workshops on coping with adolescents, parenting skills, and ran parent peer support groups. One school ran ‘Gain’ programmes ; these in particular, help parents in households where children are in control of their parents. It is a communication and life skills programme for parents to help them negotiate with their children to sort out problems. The principal explained its operation thus -

‘(As far as parent peer groups based in the school go, the school sets up the first meeting) but then the parent peer group is run by the parents for the parents. It is still very small in this school but growing slowly. And the ‘Gain Programme’ (to help parents gain alternative information) we run as a night class. People opt into that but we also direct people into it and we would have six to ten families per tern, doing that. And the whole family comes - all the teenagers and both parents.’

The value of support from Māori and Pacific Islands groups, in working together to save attendance issues for Māori and Pacific Islands children was particularly acknowledged in a number of schools, especially in schools where most of the staff were pākehā. Such a relationship was also seen to open up a variety of resources for schools which may indirectly encourage school attendance. At one school for example, self-esteem and work skills programmes were run on a local marae.

Resources or Facilities in the School

A few schools referred to the general physical conditions and a number of resources and facilities in their school which they considered encouraged school attendance. These included attractive physical surroundings; a fitness centre; common rooms where students could gather on cold, wet days; a good supply of computers; a tour car garage used in a car maintenance module; reading and language resources; and a remedial learning centre. One school had a second-hand clothing shop which sold children’s wet and cold weather clothing (such as coats, gumboots and jerseys), which could be purchased very cheaply ($1 - $2). This school had had a large proportion of children, who stayed away from school whenever it rained. After consultation with leaders of local Māori and Pacific islands community groups the clothing shop was put forward as a possible solution. According to the school, absence on wet days has since notably reduced. Having a school cafeteria/canteen was also nominated as a facility that helped encourage students attend school. One school made particular reference to an award which was given to the school for the food in their cafeteria, while another school opened up its tuckshop before school started. (This step was taken initially, because it had been found that children were arriving at school hungry.)

Other factors which encouraged attendance at school

A variety of other factors contributed to encouraging school attendance for all students. These included: having a low student teacher ratio thereby allowing teachers to give more time to their students; having a school uniform, which was felt to foster amongst students a sense of identity with and pride in, the school; operating a buddy system between seventh and third formers; and the school having a reputation for helping ‘second chance students’.

Schools may need to look at organisational or policy factors which could discourage attendance. One school, through its policy of giving 24 hours notice for detention, found that students were deliberately absenting themselves the next day. To address this problem, the school changed its policy to giving detention on the same day. Students who are on detention that day ring their parents at 2pm to inform them. However such a strategy requires the school to have several telephone lines out, which is a further cost to the school. (Being charged business rates for telephone calls was also of concern to some schools.)
 

 

Chapter Six - Perceptions of Absence, and Factors Influencing These 

Schools, in order to be able to approach attendance problems, need to have an understanding of patterns of absence in their school, factors within the school, and factors in their community, which may Influence school attendance. Schools in the study acknowledged that unjustified absence is a symptom, behind which lies a multitude of other problems.

Most respondents were aware of the attendance and non-attendance patterns in their school, either subjectively or as a result of regular checking for patterns from computer summaries, for example. They also had an understanding of factors in the wider community which affected attendance. Compared with primary schools, secondary schools were faced with greater attendance problems. The responses given during interviews indicated that secondary schools had to contend with a greater range and depth of factors underlying the attendance problem These factors related not only to the student’s home life and circumstances, but secondary students also had to face examinations and a fear of not being able to find employment.

ABSENCE PATTERNS

Most schools participating in this study, primary and secondary alike, did not know exactly what the percentage of absent students was per day. However, the majority had the information available to work it out, or had a rough idea of what the absence rate was . Despite not having detailed figures to hand, most primary schools and almost all secondary schools considered that school attendance was a problem for them or for certain students. A number qualified this by saying either that it was only a problem in that they needed to keep working on it to keep it from increasing, or that it had improved as a result of recent steps they had taken.

At all levels Monday and/or Friday absences were by far the most common patterns, with some schools observing a similar pattern around long weekends or holidays. One school noted that having a six-day timetable was an effective measure against regular absenteeism on those days except in the case of long weekends. Other patterns noticed on a daily basis included lateness, disappearing for the afternoon or last period of the day, benefit day (Thursdays), and when siblings had different school holidays. As stated by one secondary school -

‘Some students don’t think they should be at school during this time [primary mid-term break). Some will tell parents they don’t have to be.’

A third of schools also noted absence being greater at particular times of the year, such as winter (with illness contributing to this), during the fruit picking or whitebaiting season or as a result of family farming demands, and after senior exams when those who felt they had ‘blown it’ needed to be refocussed. Events such as sporting meetings, or teachers’ stopwork meetings were also times when students were away. Absence was lower, however, when there was a high interest event at school (such as a sports tournament).

In terms of class levels, primary schools noted very little difference between the junior and senior school, other than that younger children are more prone to illnesses. On the other hand, all secondary schools noted differences between junior and senior levels, although no clear pattern emerged. A few schools noted an increase in absence from the third to the fifth form, then an improvement, with attendance at form 7 being better than at form 3. Others noted that attendance was better in the senior school (F5-F7). Although schools noted that attendance at the senior level was usually good, they also noted that there was often a hard core of poor attenders, and attributed this to students who would have left in the past, being forced to stay on at school because of poor employment prospects and cuts to benefits. Other respondents simply referred to a persistent hard core in the senior school or to a problem at form 7 where opportunities for ‘disappearing’ were greater as a result of students being given greater responsibility for their own learning and actions; or after exams with there being a general depression about future prospects.

‘Yes that’s what is happening in the seventh form at the moment - they’re wallowing in their own traumas. (Is it because of unemployment?) Yes, unemployment, don’t know where they are going, haven’t done any work and have just done the mid-year exams and have got lousy marks! So the world has ended! And it’s winter!’

One school observed that absence rates were fairly constant across the school, except at form 6 where the absence rate was substantially lower. They attributed this to school attendance forming part of the requirement for internal assessment. Children in slow learner classes, lower streams, or children who saw themselves as ‘losers’ or non-achievers were noted by a few schools as having poorer attendance. One school, however, considered that their form 3 and form 4 accelerated classes were better attended than other classes in the school.

No differences were found with other types of school programmes. While one school found absence from their bilingual unit to be greater, another found that Māori children will not miss their Māori language classes.

Students and Their Home Circumstances

All secondary schools and half of the remaining schools referred to the home circumstances or influence of the family on school attendance. Thus non-attendance was often seen to ‘run’ in families with older siblings also having poor attendance records at school, and for the child to have a history of non-attendance. Most of the factors cited were highly interrelated and revolved around families that were having ‘life’ problems such as unemployment, split families, etc.

Home circumstances were seen to give rise to a number of reasons why children did not get to school. Lack of supervision meant that parents were not aware that children were not attending school, and if there was no-one at home this provided a place for students to go to during the day. In disorganised families, as well as those where parents were unemployed, the family was seen to lose contact with time, going to bed late and/or not having an alarm clock and consequently not getting up in the morning to make sure the children got to school. Lack of money meant children might not have the basic necessities of clothes and shoes, or were not able to afford to buy a school uniform or pay school fees. As a consequence they were often too embarrassed to come to school. Children in single parent families may have further responsibilities imposed on them such as babysitting or housework. In some of these households the children, particularly the older ones, may gain control of the household. Conversely, these parents may deliberately keep children at home for company. In the case of families in crisis, respondents also considered that children became sick more often than other children. Parents condoning absence for whatever reason were considered a problem for schools. Schools considered this to be a difficult situation in which they were sometimes powerless to act.

Low parental expectations, particularly with regard to education was another factor schools associated with poor school attendance. Children from these families, according to a number of schools, are given no real encouragement and school is often seen as a waste of time. Thus children have little incentive to attend school.
 

Other Factor’s Associated With School Attendance

Schools cited a range of other factors they considered affected school attendance. A third of schools noted that attendance was lower among Māori children. The reasons given for this were socio-economic factors; that Māori students need to feel comfortable with their teacher; and their need to attend tangi which sometimes involved considerable time commitments.

Lack of motivation, or depression, as a result of students perceiving a bleak future for themselves due to lock of access to tertiary education or lack of employment was another factor. Schools also need to assess guidance Issues, the need to refocus the goals students set for themselves, and also need to consider carefully the options that they offer their students.

Other factors included those within the school. For instance some students may not cope well with some of the pressures in the school setting such as peer group conflict or being told off by a teacher; the popularity of certain teachers; teachers themselves being absent; and students being in school but not being where they should be. Factors outside the school such as child health problems, pressure from older unemployed sibling/friends to skip class, and families who are difficult to contact or who one highly mobile also contributed to non-attendance.

 

Chapter Seven - School Systems for Monitoring Attendance and Following Up Absences

The purpose of this chapter is to present briefly and in generalised terms on outline of the procedures used by schools to monitor attendance and follow up absences. Because the systems are considerably more complex at the secondary level, the procedures used by primary (including intermediates) and secondary schools are presented separately.

PRIMARY SCHOOLS

Monitoring Attendance

Generally, monitoring attendance at the primary level followed a similar pattern for all schools visited.

Classroom teachers were responsible for completing the roll for their class every morning between 9.00am and 9.30am . Some schools did not do it as soon as school commenced, but rather after a short period of time had elapsed to allow time for stragglers to arrive. In some schools the tendency for a number of students to arrive late was as much of a concern as absenteeism itself. In approximately half the schools the roll was taken again after lunch.

Children who were absent at the time the rolls were taken in the manning were noted, usually either on a card or in a class notebook. These were sent to the office with the class registers, in most cases by 9.30am. In schools where the roll was taken again in the afternoon, the list of absentees for that afternoon was recorded in the book and dealt with at the same time as the next morning’s absentees. (At least one school rang parents, as soon as these afternoon absences were noted.) Some schools used senior students as ‘runners’ to collect the cards or books.

Schools encouraged parents to ring the school office if their child was going to be absent fan the day. These messages were recorded by the office and transferred to the list of absentees sent to the office by the class teachers. Absences which had been notified were also recorded in the class rolls/registers usually as a circled ‘A’. The lists of absent students with amendments made and information obtained were returned to class teachers usually by 10am. Some schools did this through the school notices which were sent to every class teacher. In some instances any unexplained absences were referred directly to the principal who would take steps to contact the family.

Reasons for absence were recorded by most schools and kept ton future reference by the class teachers. Schools had a general policy of accepting explanations for absences only from parents or caregivers. In some cases this was expressed as whichever adult answered the phone when the school contacted the home. Schools required children to bring a note with them when they returned to school explaining their absence. Generally, the reasons given on these were accepted ‘on trust’. Action to verify such notes was only taken in a situation where the teacher suspected that the note was a forgery or had in some way been falsified. In these cases, and they were rare, the parents/caregivers were contacted.

Methods for detecting children skipping class at this level were sketchy and to some degree unnecessary as primary teachers have the same class throughout the day. Most schools replied that it was up to the classroom teacher to pick this up and refer it to someone else to check out. In those schools (including intermediates) which had specialist classes eg. manual training, the roll was taken again. One school had the class teachers ‘deliver’ their class to the manual training teacher.

Monitoring of extended absences was in most cases a continuation of the procedures used for monitoring daily absences. In most primary schools it was the responsibility of the senior staff such as syndicate leaders/senior teachers, assistant/deputy principals, or the principal to monitor the daily attendance records, in order to pick up patterns of absenteeism. Class teachers also notified senior staff of any patterns they had noticed. In some schools this was done once a week and any action that was deemed necessary was discussed with the class teachers.

Following up Absentees at the Primary Level

There was a firm belief amongst those interviewed that -

‘Truancy is a sign of a whole lot of other factors, home, mental, and physical and if you don’t use a holistic approach you are not going to cure it or reduce it.’

Not only was follow-up seen as being important from the point of view of the school, it was also important from the child’s point of view. This was reflected in the way that the schools followed up absent students, especially those who had a history of poor attendance. In many instances it was acknowledged that absenteeism is merely a symptom of a much larger problem, which may well have nothing at all to do with school.

Most schools had a clearly defined series of steps that they observed when following up absent students. The application of these, however, varied according to the circumstances of each case.

All primary schools had a policy of ensuring that they contacted the parents/caregivers of children who were absent without explanation. Some schools operated an automatic phone list. This list contained the names and phone numbers of students about whom teachers were concerned; names were usually put on the list after consultation with parents. Thus if a child whose name was on this list appeared on the class roll as ‘absent’ and the school had not been notified of the absence, then the home would be contacted immediately. The person nominated to phone homes varied from school to school. Sometimes it was the office staff, sometimes the class teacher or principal. Not all schools contacted the home on the first day the absence was recorded. Some preferred to wait for two to three days and if the child had not returned by this time then contact would be made.

Schools often found that because an increasing number of households no longer had the phone connected due to economic hardship, especially those families dependent on social welfare benefits, it was often not possible to contact some parents as soon as an absence was noticed. This meant that for those students where there was concern about their absence one of the school staff or, at one school, the itinerant teacher would visit the home. In some schools, siblings and peers were also asked if they knew the reasons why a child was absent. The outcomes of these initial phone calls or visits were reported to the class teachers and sometimes to the principal.

Schools commented that the outcomes of initial approaches to parents were usually successful and did not require further action.

If the initial contact was not successful or if the pattern of absence emerged again, schools, which had access to personnel such as a visiting teacher or itinerant teacher, would call on their assistance. These people usually preferred to visit the families of the students concerned and discuss with them any problems that were contributing to the lateness or absence from school. As lateness/absenteeism are very often symptoms of larger problems, the role of the visiting teacher/itinerant teacher is to work with the family to overcome the problems and get the child back to school. Not all schools had this type of resource they could call on, so visiting was done in some instances by class teachers, or by senior school staff. Discussions about who should visit and how many times depended on the circumstances of each case. It was also mentioned by some respondents that, for safety reasons, it was sometimes necessary to visit in pairs and that it was not, for example, appropriate for a mare principal to follow-up a female absentee by himself.

Some schools also had weekly guidance meetings at which these types of problems were discussed by all staff.

Other agencies may be contacted at times to help the family. This action was usually taken by the principal or his/her deputy or by the visiting teacher in consultation with senior school staff.

If, however, after several visits the situation did not improve, the family was contacted again and asked to come to the school to discuss the problem further -

‘I feel it is far better for us to persuade parents and say “look your children only have one chance at education, the teachers here really do work hard for your children... “.’

For most cases this initial discussion with the school was sufficient to get the child back to school. If, however, this did not work a ‘family conference’ was arranged. These family conferences usually involved the classroom teacher, the principal, the visiting teacher (if available), the student and family, and at some schools a representative of the board of trustees who had responsibility for discipline. (Some schools also involved other personnel as they saw appropriate.)

At this point some schools took the opportunity to remind parents that they had a legal obligation to send their children to school. Ways of overcoming the problems were also discussed as were further actions that the schools would take if things did not improve.

Schools said that, if required they would suspend pupils indefinitely. This decision was made by the principal and the school’s board of trustees. Several schools utilised the School Attendance and Truancy Kit while others preferred their own approach instead.

Generally, schools reluctantly removed students from their registers after 20 days absence if they did not know whether the students had left the area or enrolled at another school. The visiting teacher at one school said that she felt that 20 days was not long enough to help the child, especially if the family had ‘gone to ground’ and did not wish to be found.

None of the schools had yet brought prosecutions against absentee students or their parents, but some had come close. Several respondents commented that they felt the threat of prosecution was very effective in getting students back to school, but might be less so if a prosecution was carried through to its logical conclusion.

Other resources/personnel used in following up absentee primary school students

None of these schools received equity funding for monitoring attendance or following up absentees, No schools used the services of attendance officers, although some had discussed this with other schools in their area. Most, however, did call on the services or personnel other than school staff in their following up of absentee students. The point at which these people were called in and the part they played in the process varied from school to school, and from case to case.

 
Visiting teachers, who are part of the Special Education Service (SES), were used by several of the schools interviewed. These teachers are on call to several schools in an area and deal with all aspects of behaviour, including attendance. In one of the education districts where no visiting teacher service is available to schools, several schools used the services of an itinerant teacher with responsibility for children at risk .

The roles of both these categories of teachers are the same, in that they are called upon by schools to work with ‘problem students’. Mostly their work involves visiting homes, and discussing the problem with the parents and the child concerned. In this way, it is often possible to work out a solution to the problem and get the child back to school. The prime reason behind the visits of the visiting teachers is not usually that of truancy - generally, this is merely a symptom of something larger.

Visiting teachers are seen by primary schools as the ideal people to call upon in situations where home visits and personal contact are necessary. They are regarded as a non-threatening presence; ie. they are warm, approachable people who have a good knowledge of the families they are working with and the circumstances under which they are living. They are often able to pick upon aspects of a situation which a principal or class teacher might not.

One school which used the services of a visiting teacher made the point that it was important to ensure that the present nature of the visiting teacher role is maintained and that this role does not become one of ‘truancy officer’ with overtones of a punitive approach -

‘(The) Special Education Service (SES) (visiting teachers) should not become truancy officers. Once the SES gets a name as a group which prosecutes parents we flag away the future of the SES.’

One visiting teacher expressed the belief that the visiting teacher network throughout the country could achieve as much in terms of knowing where children were and keeping them in school as the old education boards had done.

Of the itinerant teacher used by one school the principal said -

‘(The itinerant teacher) - (a) shared resource for the area (is) invaluable. Takes the load off me and does make sure the (attendance) thing is followed through... The evening home visits - are invaluable for contact, prevention, or verifying this sort of problem. Plus (the itinerant teacher) is not a threatening figure. A pākehā principal striding in puts people’s backs up.’

Visiting teachers also liaised with other agencies and it was often on their recommendation that problems were referred to them.

The district/public health nurse was used by several primary schools. They were called in if the reason for a child’s absence was poor health. They visited the home and discussed the problem with the parents and if necessary would make a referral to a doctor and/or the Department of Health. The outcomes of their actions were always communicated to the visiting teacher and to the principal.

The role of organisations such as Social Welfare and the Police varied. In some areas their services were used frequently, while in others they were not. Because of a change in policy focus, Social Welfare has a different role to play, and no longer offers the some assistance to schools on attendance problems that it did a few years ago. Consequently some schools felt that they had lost an important link in the system when trying to track down children who were not attending school. Because absence from school was often part of a larger social problem, it was considered that this link should be maintained. The Police - youth aid officers and community constables - assisted when requested: such assistance usually involved making visits to the school and talking generally to the children about the need to ‘keep safe’ etc.

The variety of other people involved in helping schools follow up absentee students varied from area to area and from case to case. In some schools, other professionals such as community health workers, school and community counsellors, guidance teachers, local doctors, plunket nurses and staff of other local schools were called on. Programmes such as Toughlove were also used by some schools. Community groups and individuals were also involved in some schools in a voluntary capacity. Principal among these were members of the Māori community. Elders would visit homes when appropriate. Whānau groups offered support to families who needed it and, in one school, kai aawhina would talk to the children about their problems and then refer these back to the class teacher or principal. Several schools also mentioned the assistance they received from Maatua Whangai an organisation which could also assist Māori students who were having problems.

Special Programmes to Encourage Chronic Absentees to Attend School (Primary)

A third of the primary schools participating in this study mentioned special programmes that they had in place to encourage chronic absentees to attend school. For some of the schools absenteeism was not considered to be a problem thus special programmes were not necessary. Others, however, said that while they had a need for special programmes to help them cope with chronic absentees, they did not have the funding, facilities, or resources to put these in place.

Those schools, that did operate some sort of programme, generally used ‘simple but effective strategies’ to encourage these students to attend school. Arriving at school on time or just simply coming to school would be rewarded with a star on an attendance chart for each time this happened; in some instances a larger reward for accumulating a certain number of stars was also given. Some schools reinforced this type of strategy by having a form for parents to sign; the child would then bring the signed form back to school for the visiting teacher or person supervising the activity to see. In one school the signed form indicated that certain home activities were also being completed. These types of activities were used until a child’s attendance behaviour improved and stabilized - usually only a few weeks.

Contract agreements - whereby the student and school came to an agreement that the student would attend school for a specified number of days per week - were also another strategy used.

One of the participating intermediate schools had a special needs class to which students could be referred if necessary -

‘We have a class that we don’t name which has a very strong teacher and which tends to aggregate a small group of problem kids, so it also easy to keep our finger on them… This class is accepted by parents as a ‘straightening-out’ class and they tend to be attendance problems.’

Of the other programmes running in his school this principal went on to say -

‘I have this theory but can’t prove it. We have special needs hours and we run a learning catch-up programme and kids who were maybe problems with attendance - when they realise that someone Is taking an interest or academic failure is reduced, or they begin to experience success - (In those cases) I’m quite sure there a link between that (the running of special programmes) and a drop off in behaviour (problems) and problems with attendance.’

The principal went on to say that the academic-support programmes the school provided, coupled with the language and cultural aspects that the school had to offer, also helped Māori children by making them feel more at ease in the school setting.

One of the most important factors associated with all these schools, whether they had special programmes in place on not, was that they were open to parents coming to the school to discuss the problems they or their children were having, and on this basis a solution could be worked out. As one visiting teacher put it ‘we are always successful’.

SECONDARY SCHOOLS

Monitoring Attendance

All the secondary schools participating in this study operated similar systems for monitoring attendance. At form time, which was usually first thing in the morning, the roll was taken by form teachers (group or whānau teachers in some schools) who also noted absent students on a slip of paper which was sent to the office. Some schools had form time twice a day, first period in the morning and again immediately after lunch. Others had it only in the morning. The absentee lists were either delivered to the office by the teachers or collected from the classes by ‘runners’. This procedure varied from school to school depending on which one they felt worked best for them.

Rolls were also taken by all schools for each teaching period of the day. Thus, students who did not attend their subject classes were recorded as absent on the roll for that class. The lists of absent students were in some instances collected by runners during each session or delivered to the office by the subject teachers at the end of the day. Informal strategies for detecting students skipping classes were also used -

‘Children detected wandering around the school tend to get stopped fairly regularly and asked why they are not in class.’

The absentees from form time were entered on a master sheet, usually by office staff. At one school this list was published on the some day, with the day’s notices at 10am. This list also included the names of those skipping classes the previous day but who were not absent at form time. Most schools returned the lists of absent students (both form and class absences) for day A to form teachers on the morning of day B with those for whom explanations of absence had been received coded in some way (usually a circled ‘A’).

The first step in checking the records was to check the list of absences against phone messages received from parents during the day, the signing-in-late book and the signing-out book for students, who left the school grounds during school hours, and any lists of students who were engaged in activities outside the school (some schools had a variety of lists, books, etc to check) during the day. Absences that could be accounted for from any of the above were coded on the class rolls.

A computerised system for recording attendance, was used in most of the secondary schools visited for this study. Absences were recorded on the system, usually by office staff or an ancillary worker, whenever they were notified of students being absent, and the names had been checked against the lists, etc.

For most schools, the same system for monitoring absences and following up absentee students operated across all levels of classes. Schools did, however, state that they were less likely to be as vigilant about following up senior students as attendance, for most, is not compulsory at this stage -

‘(We) don’t worry about the form 6 and form 7 (students) really. If they’re stupid enough to bunk and not come to school… they’re way beyond anything that we can do very much about. They’ll be told by the sixth form dean or letters home that it’s their Sixth Form Certificate or Bursary that they are jeopardising.’

The principal at one school stated that the absence in the seventh form at her school was really quite frightening. She could only explain it in terms of the students getting uptight with school and not being sure about what they were doing or where they were going -

‘Well, when I did the last big break down, there was something like 50% (of form 7) bunking out of classes. Not all the time, but it was actually quite frightening. Yes, it was quite marked. And there were good kids doing it too - top flight kids.’

This school also stated that they tried, at the senior level, to prepare their students for future life, especially university, where they would not be constantly hassled. As a result they tended to be a bit laxer with their monitoring.

Nevertheless, schools were still concerned about the activities of their senior students and did their best to keep track of them - a difficult task in many cases given the wider choice of subjects available and the amount of freedom given to senior students. For this reason schools tried to instil in their seniors a sense of responsibility for their own behaviour. Schools did carry out informal checks on senior students who were supposed to be studying in the library or common room.

Parents/caregivers were encouraged to ring the school if their child was not going to be at school that day, and the student was required to bring a note when they returned. In some schools, the reason for the absence was coded briefly in the register and a brief note was made on the class roll. Most schools kept absence notes for future reference. The responsibility for keeping the notes varied from school to school. In some it was the class teacher, in others the guidance counsellor, attendance officer, or person with special responsibility for attendance. Explanations of absence were generally accepted only from parents/caregivers, although some schools said that, depending an the circumstances, they might ask older siblings or other students if they knew what the cause of the absence was -

‘We hope if the reason given (for an absence) is a trivial reason, the form teacher will raise an eyebrow, some do. But we have to be very tactful. (What do you consider trivial?) Baby sitting, going shopping, helping dad with fencing.’

A policy of accepting reasons or explanations given by parents/caregivers was espoused by all schools -

‘(If the information comes from a parent or a guardian) - we have to consider it as genuine even if we are unhappy. But on the other hand we go on to say that (the child) is missing rather a lot of school and it is starting to affect (their) progress. So we tactfully let them know that we are not happy.’

Some schools did state that if they suspected that a note had been falsified or was a forgery they would take steps to check it out. Signatures were checked against back notes or the signature on the enrolment form, and in some very rare instances the parents were rung by the school.

Following Up Absentee Students in Secondary Schools

Like primary schools, some secondary schools operated an emergency list of ‘at risk’ students whose parents were contacted as soon as their name appeared without explanation on the absent list. Students whose names appeared on these lists usually had a poor record of attendance, and were on the list with parental consent. Form teachers could also indicate on their daily absence sheets the names of any absentees that caused them concern and these too would be rung immediately. In some schools the class teacher was responsible in the first instance for contacting the parents, while in others the office staff or the attendance officer, if the school had one, made this contact. Some schools, however, did not make this initial phone call until the unexplained absence had continued for three days or more.

All schools had someone who was given responsibility for maintaining and coordinating attendance records. Non-contact time was allocated in which to do this if this person also had teaching responsibilities. However, for most schools this task, and the follow-up, if it was also part of this person’s responsibility, took considerably more than the non-contact hours that were allocated.
 

Checking attendance records

As stated in the previous section, on the morning of day B form teachers received the lists of students who had been absent either for all of day A or part of it. At this point it was generally up to class teachers to collect notes explaining absences from students who had returned to school and to check up on any unexplained absences. These were usually indicated on the bottom of the list that was returned to them from the office.

The two forms shown here are examples of the types of forms being used in the schools visited.

Example One:

 

Example Two:

 

In one school, all students who had produced evidence that their absence was legitimate were given a blue slip signed by their form teacher. This slip indicated to all their other teachers that their absence had been explained satisfactorily.

At most secondary schools in the study, picking up patterns of absenteeism or ‘suspicious’ absences were in the first instance the responsibility of form teachers. One respondent had this to say about that responsibility -

‘Kids should not be building bad habits which sometimes continue. (There) are not only diversions, there are push-pull factors involved here. It is what is going on in the school and also the attractions out in the community. If the pull factors external to the school start to gather momentum you’ve got a problem. So one thing to do is to pick these things up early and that’s where it’s the responsibility of the form teacher to identity these early.’

The form teacher’s task, therefore, was to monitor their class roll and report to their dean any notable patterns of absence or any particular students who were causing concern. Deans and other senior staff (eg. assistant and/or deputy principals and senior masters/mistresses) also had responsibility for monitoring attendance and were generally required to check the rolls or other monitoring systems once a week, although some did it considerably more often than this. In schools where there was an attendance officer or staff member assigned responsibility for attendance, they monitored the rolls daily.

One guidance counsellor indicated the importance of monitoring the patterns of attendance -

‘In some ways the significant thing is not so much the number of days as the number of times - a whole week is probably genuine, but five single days is probably truancy.’

Problem absences were discussed by form teachers with their deans at regular meetings - usually weekly. At this point the action to be taken was discussed. In some schools the concerns were also taken to senior staff or guidance meetings (attendance officers, guidance counsellors, visiting teachers, etc attend the latter) and any decisions with regard to action made here were communicated to form teachers as quickly as possible.

While schools generally had a series of clearly defined steps for following up absentees, the application of these and the order in which they were used varied from case to case. Following up absences beyond the initial phone call or letter to parents was most likely to involve senior school staff (eg. deans, assistant-deputy/principal or senior master/mistress, attendance officer, and guidance counsellor) and, in a small number of severe cases, the principal. The form below was supplied by one of the schools visited as an example of the steps they took and how they were recorded for each student.

Example Three:

 

Most schools warned their offending students of the consequences of their actions and at least two used detention in the early stages as a deterrent. If attendance did not improve, a letter was sent home explaining the situation to the parents/caregivers and inviting them to contact the school to discuss the problem. Some schools preferred, or found it more practical, to visit parents to do this. The frequency with which letters were sent or visits were made depended on the school and the individual student concerned.

The stage at which schools contacted outside agencies to assist them in follow-up, again varied according to the school and the specific case.

Things started to get ‘heavy’ in most schools if attendance had not improved after this action had been taken. Some schools followed the guidelines set out in the School Attendance and Truancy Kit while others used their own procedures. Visits in some instances would continue. In most schools, the parents were asked to come in and discuss the problem with the teachers, guidance counsellor, and any other personnel the school felt was appropriate to include (eg. in some schools a board of trustees representative was also included in discussions). At this point, the implications of the absences would be pointed out to parents/caregivers. Discussion also centred on the sorts of action that could be taken to help resolve the problem and get the student back to school. Schools also noted the need for students to know that when they returned to school they would be welcomed back to warm, rewarding, and positive environment.

When truanting students returned to school they were likely to be put on an ‘attendance contract’. This meant that they had to carry a form with them to all classes and have it signed by the teacher.

The length of time students stayed on ‘contract’ depended on the severity of their case end some even asked to stay on the contract after their attendance had improved as they enjoyed the positive feedback that they received from the one-to-one interaction with a teacher.

If all reasonable efforts made by the school failed to get the student bock to school, the final step for all schools was to send a letter to the parents/caregivers stating that ‘x’ student had missed ‘y’ days of school and asking if there was any reason why they should stay on the school roll. If this did not resolve the problem then the student would be removed from the roll.

Although schools were reluctant to initiate prosecution proceedings, they had found, however, that the threat was often enough to galvanise some parents (about half at some schools) into action at this late stage.

Since 1989 only one school participating in this study had done this and had not been successful. They felt that the law had not supported them at all in their efforts -

‘The judge never even talked to us. I sat in the court and looked after the parent(!) so did our lawyer. The parent defended herself. The judge never asked me to come onto the stand. It was the first case of it kind in… - the judge threw it out and said that he couldn’t understand why the principal had brought the case.’

Generally the feeling was expressed that prosecuting now was a waste of time and money and definitely not cost effective.

‘But it costs money - $300 for the school to take a case, and that’s not easily (come by).’
 

Example Four:

 

Also there was little to be gained in instituting proceedings as students approached 15 years of age, because the process took so long -

‘I don’t think they (prosecutions) solve anything. I actually think that schools should be designed better and we should have more time for children, but at the moment we don’t. What’s the point in prosecuting?’

Despite problems and reservations, however, some felt that they would like to see more prosecutions done as ‘test cases’ - ie. as a deterrent to other parents who may be condoning their child’s absence from school.

While all schools removed students from the register after 20 days continuous absence, they did so reluctantly. Also they only did this if they were absolutely sure after extensive inquiries that the student was not returning to school. Some said that if the student wished to return to school then they would be taken back. One school operated a system whereby the students were suspended prior to their removal from the roll, and their case for re-entry was considered by the school and the board of trustees.

Personnel Engaged in Attendance Duties

Within all the participating secondary schools staff members were allocated specific responsibilities for attendance. The number of people thus designated varied. Some schools also did everything themselves without calling on outside assistance for attendance matters.

At the secondary level, the boards of trustees associated with the participating schools did not have a particularly direct role in monitoring or following up attendance. Generally, boards, like those in primary schools, delegated that responsibility back to the schools. However, if letters warning parents about impending legal action were sent these were often on board letterhead and the board was kept informed about these activities. While schools felt that their boards were generally supportive in matters of attendance, some also felt that their board would not necessarily know what to do about them. In the words of one guidance counsellor -

‘I’m sure the board of trustees doesn’t know how to go through it (prosecution procedures). If we suddenly asked them to do it they’d get in a flap. It would probably be sent back to us to do it anyway’

Principals were often not involved directly in attendance matters. While they were kept informed of what was going on through meetings with deans and senior staff, in several schools, principals had delegated the responsibility for attendance to other staff members and left them to get on with the job.

Generally, those within schools with responsibility for attendance were form and class teachers (responsible for monitoring and early follow-up) and deans, guidance counsellors, and assistant/deputy principals (primarily responsible for follow-up of long-term and other problem absences). One school also had a school nurse who was asked to follow up any absences where health may have been a contributing factor. Schools with Te Atakura teachers utilised their services to follow up (by means of home visits) Māori students who were having problems of which truancy was a part. (The job description for Te Atakura teachers allocates non-contact time each week specifically to enable them to visit families in their own homes.)

Half of the participating schools used attendance officers. Three schools shared their services with other schools, using their equity funding to pay for them. In the other two schools the attendance officers were actually members of the school staff (senior mistress and supernumerary teacher) who had non-contact time designated for this purpose.

For the schools which used attendance officers, the role of the officer was seen as being pivotal to the success of the procedures for following up absentee students. One principal compared the attendance levels in their school prior to the appointment of the attendance officer with those that had been achieved since the appointment of this person -

‘The monitoring system was in place, but it was not enough, because guidance teachers and deans did not have the consistency of approach from dean to dean and from person to person that we’ve got now from a person whose task it is, and who has the time to follow up. The attendance officer will ring parents at night. (I) doubt that this was done before as if was only part of the job. The attendance officer has a commitment to it - it is his job.’

Since the appointment of their attendance officer, at the beginning of 1991, this school reported that the absentee rate had declined from almost 20% to less than 10% for the second term of this year; a similar level of decline had been recorded for the first term of the year. Staff attributed this decline directly to the attendance officer’s monitoring and following up of absent students.

Three of the schools who did not have an attendance officer said that they definitely would like one ‘money permitting’.

The services of visiting teachers were used by six secondary schools while four schools called on the services of other Special Education Service personnel. Visiting teachers fulfilled the same role for most secondary schools that they did for primary schools; ie. they visited families and tried to work out solutions to the problems that were causing the students to absent themselves from school. Several schools stated that, since 1989, the role of the visiting teacher had changed, and they were now no longer permitted to act directly on behalf of the school, but rather were supposed to advise the schools on what they should do and the action they should take to get the students back to school.

Like primary schools, secondary schools used a variety of other agencies to assist them in following up absentee students. In same areas the police - community constable or youth aid officer - were able to help while in others their resources were reported to be so stretched that they were seldom able to be of great of assistance.

Other professionals used included Psychological Services and other independent psychologists, the public health nurse, and social workers. Also used were programmes such as Toughlove. Community groups were also used where appropriate by several schools. These included local community groups and community workers, Tangata Pacifica, and Māori groups such as Maatua Whangai, whānau support groups, and local Māori people who could help. All schools had a policy of using those people they felt could ensure that a child had adequate access to teaching/learning: thus if a particular case demanded it they would look to relevant groups/individuals in the community to assist .

Some school staff also liaised with networks and committees which were able to provide assistance and support for the schools in what they were doing but, often, this relied on time being available for schools to be involved in this activity. Often these contacts had ceased because of lack of stable membership and time.
Special Programmes to Encourage Chronic Absentees to Attend School (Secondary)
As a result of differences between primary and secondary schools in the nature and extent of problems associated with school attendance, there were inherent differences between them in the special programmes that were available to encourage reluctant attenders to attend school.

In determining which strategies or programmes were appropriate for a particular student, secondary schools noted the importance of viewing each student’s situation as unique.

Recognition was also given to the fact that non-attendance is often a symptom of a more serious problem. For these reasons, schools considered that it was important to gather as much information as possible about what had led the student to not attend school. To do this and to develop on appropriate strategy for the student, schools first interviewed the student concerned and then consulted with caregivers, outside helping agencies or individuals (social workers psychologists, etc), and members of the community, including community groups. Schools noted that a major problem in this back-up process was a lack of back-up assistance from government agencies because of cut-backs in the Department of Social Welfare and the Youth Aid Section of the Police: truancy officers having been disestablished; and visiting teachers who are overloaded (and whose role is not one of a truancy officer).

Despite lack of support from these areas, almost all the secondary schools had specific strategies - operated programmes or developed attendance contracts or agreements - to encourage these students to attend. Other less formal strategies were also used.
Alternative programmes or units
In recognition of the fact that non-attendance is inextricably bound to a whole range of factors, the alternative programmes available for these students were not run exclusively for non-attenders. Most were also open to students who manifested behavioural problems, often as a result of being faced with problems which may also underlie reasons for non-attendance. More than half of the secondary schools ran or had access to, on an area basis, alternative units or schools. Here, programmes were more individualised, were guidance-oriented and also incorporated social skills. The services of the Correspondence School were used by some of these units. The setting-up of each student’s individual programme, while time-consuming, was considered worthwhile.

One school had established a ‘student support centre’ within its special needs department. The purpose of this centre was to give those students who were having problems with school, the ‘space’ and support to sort out their problems, catch up with their school work, and ultimately be reintegrated into their class.

The units were often smaller than standard classes, some operating on a one-to-one basis, and those operating within the school were run by carefully chosen teachers, the special needs dean, or a teacher aid. Students were able to return to the mainstream school if there was an acceptable improvement in the behaviour, including attendance.

Some schools referred to Arapaipai, an outward bound type course that was funded by Social Welfare. This, according to the schools, had been successful with their students, but unfortunately it is no longer run.
Contracts or agreements
Over half of the secondary schools referred to attendance contracts or reports, or behaviour contracts or agreements, as strategies for encouraging these students to attend more regularly. These most commonly included attendance reports, whereby students were put on report for a specified period, and were often used in conjunction with other strategies for improving attendance or behaviour. One school mentioned gaining parental consent for this. Reporting times were specified (as was the person the student was to report to). The attendance report system usually involved a form check and a period by period check, as well as the student reporting too more senior staff member such as the deputy principal. Students were kept on report until there had been an acceptable improvement in attendance. Under the demerit points system operated by one school, students were able to ‘buy back’ demerit points which had been earned because of non-attendance at class or school. This was achieved by having perfect attendance for a specified period of time.

Example Five:

The following is an attendance contract, and its covering information sheet, used in one school.
 

 

One school also had a reporting system which took account of deteriorating circumstances, with a graduation from reporting to the form teacher, through to the deputy or assistant principal, and ending with the principal. In another school where reporting was used in conjunction with behaviour modification through positive reinforcement, it was reported that some students did not want to be taken off report because of the feedback they received. Another school mentioned that although attendance reporting can sound like a punitive measure, it often has very positive results because of the rapport that is established between the student and the person they report to - the students find that they have someone with whom they can talk through their problems and this subsequently helps improve attendance.

Other Strategies Used in Secondary Schools to Encourage Chronic Absentees to Attend School

Various other strategies were used - some general, others by specific arrangement. More general approaches included students not being allowed to play in a sports team if they were on report for non-attendance, positive (verbal) comment for showing an improvement in attendance or for returning to school after an unexplained absence, and ongoing visits to the home by the principal. One example of a specific arrangement was having the parent attend school with their child which did improve attendance, as intended; but not behaviour, however, did not improve. Nevertheless this action proved to be a deterrent for other pupils who might have been tempted to truant) -

‘In one extreme case (it was) the child who either would not come to school or would not stay at school. For a period of four weeks the girl’s mother came to school and went to class with her. She’s still here (not Mum), Mum quite enjoyed it. The girl didn’t though and it impressed a great many pupils in the school - it was the ultimate ‘shrink’.’

The same school worked out an agreement with a student who had an afternoon job. The agreement was, if the student came to school in the mornings and any afternoon when there was a test, they could work in the afternoons. Other schools come to agreements with some of their students, such as, that they would attend school for a morning, for a specified number of days per week, or for particular subjects.

As can be seen from this chapter, schools had developed effective systems for monitoring attendance and following up absentee students. Those students which were likely to cause the most problems were, often for one reason or another ‘disaffected’ from school and attempts to get them back to class were expensive in terms of teacher and other personnel time taken and other resources dedicated to this end. All schools felt that, in most cases, trying to get chronic absentees back to school and keeping them there was not cost effective, but they had very few alternatives given their stated philosophy of doing the best for the students that they could. They did, however, admit defeat in the very worst cases and gave up the fight.

Chapter Eight - Elements of an Effective System

Throughout this study it became increasingly clear that, while each school was unique in its community and clientele, there were features common to all the systems that were operating that made them effective. These features are discussed below.

SCHOOL ATMOSPHERE

‘The school environment, that’s a major factor. By that mean it’s a positive environment so it means that I don’t have to feel bad about saying to kids “well come on you’ve got to get to school” cause I know that when they get there they’re not going to get a telling off or put in the sin bin or anything like that... They’re going to be welcomed along and they’re just going to be treated as part of the place.’

Schools can and do make a difference to whether their students attend school. The school environment is potentially one of the most important factors in ensuring school attendance. This is not the bricks and mortar environment, but rather what has been termed in recent literature - ‘school ethos’. Schools should be places students want to be -

‘School needs to be attractive, enjoyable, day offer day.’

A positive atmosphere encourages attendance. One school said that they had found that they were focusing on the negative aspects of attendance and were now trying to focus on the positive aspects which was, in fact, a difficult thing to do. To this end they were developing positive strategies to encourage their students to attend. Other schools had gone some way towards developing positive factors to encourage students to attend school. (See Chapter 5.) One school had a ‘non-violent’ policy. This was non-violence in its broadest possible sense - no anger, no harassment, no graffiti, no litter, etc. Other schools expressed this type of approach in a general sense such as making the playgrounds a safer, more friendly place to be.

Students need to know that there are people in the school who care about them and what they are doing. The atmosphere needs to be conducive to staff and students discussing problems and working out solutions. Some schools reported that school was the place students turned to for support in times of crisis.

Schools also need to react positively to returning students (ie. those students who have either been encouraged, or have decided themselves, to come back to school). They need lobe welcomed bock, encouraged, and made to feel that it is worth their while to stay -

‘They (students) need to be made to feel that school is an OK place to be.’

CLEARLY STATED POLICY GUIDELINES AND PROCEDURES

The benefits of having clearly stated policy guidelines and procedures were outlined briefly at the beginning of this report. Whether they are in the form of a written statement or not, they are an essential element of any system and must be clearly communicated to all staff, students and their parents, and the community at large -

‘(The) system is very clear cut and parents and students and teachers all know the way the system works and know the consequences. There are no arguments.’

All schools espoused the belief that attending school was necessary to the educational advancement of the students; schools therefore expected parents and students to abide by that policy. The consequences of not doing so were clearly defined.

It is a so important the students know what is done, and when, and what the consequences are if they do not abide by the policy -

‘Kids know that checking is done and if they are absent it will be followed up, which prevents casual absences.’

In this sense, the system for monitoring and following up absences becomes a deterrent, as those who try skipping class or absenting themselves from school discover that they cannot get away with it and are less likely to try again. Another reason for having a rigorous system was given by a form 3 dean -


‘From a dean’s perspective, because our system is so rigorous the kids know that if they wag a period or two periods… there is almost a 100% chance that they will be picked up. If we came across kids in that situation it usually indicates that there is some other problem that we need to look into. If we didn’t have such a rigorous system we wouldn’t pick up some of those problems so easily.’

Several schools in the study had found that their levels of non-attendance were unacceptable and had taken very deliberate steps to do something about this. One school in particular, had made attendance its primary objective for 1991 and, to this end, had developed very clear statements of intent and guidelines for action which were circulated to all parents of students attending that school. The high profile of this activity has been maintained throughout this year, so far, by newsletters to parents.

COMMUNICATION WITH PARENTS AND THE COMMUNITY

Once the policy/guidelines have been formulated they need to be communicated clearly to students and parents, especially at enrolment time.

Having parents ‘on side’ was beneficial in attempts to reduce absenteeism/lateness. If the parents do not support the school’s efforts with regard to attendance of students, then the school has very serious problems to deal with. Schools emphasised the need to have caring and pleasant approach rather than being authoritarian in their dealings with parents. They also stressed the need to emphasise their concern for the students’ welfare in terms of lost learning opportunities. It was felt that it was important not to appear punitive or to be merely upholding the law.

Some schools recorded student’s attendance on their reports, and asked the parents of all students to come in to collect the reports and talk to the teachers. While this was time consuming for teachers it was also another contact point for parents and seen to be a very worthwhile exercise. One of the teachers described the approach they took as follows -

‘Here we have to get parental support and involvement - but it is working. Something else we are doing is not sending half-yearly reports home with students, parents are now required to come in and get them. It’s another contact point with parents. They are having interviews with at least one teacher and often six. Everything is working together now to build up that partnership between the school and the home and it is starting to work in terms of achievement and expectations.’
 
Respondents from this same school also stated their belief that informing parents and having clear systems avoids hassles with suspensions -

‘A lot of the hassles some schools get into over suspensions and expulsions wouldn’t occur if they took this approach of informing parents, of having clear systems, which are monitored, which have steps in them, whereby parents are informed. I think for some parents the suspension comes as a bit of a ‘bolt out of the blue’ and there are all sorts or problems. Whereas here it doesn’t. The parents can clearly see the lead-up to it and are warned what is going to happen if such and such doesn’t change.’

There is also a need to communicate the policy to the community at large so that the school can be supported in what it does.

Most of the schools participating in this study commented on the close links they had with their community and how this assisted them in their efforts to combat absenteeism. This support was vital if the efforts made by the school were to have any effect on the attendance of their students. It was recognised in many areas that truancy and petty crime went hand in hand so some schools were notified by the local community and businesses when their students were not in school. Comments from one teacher illustrate the nature of the assistance one particular community gave its local school -

‘They (students) can climb over the fence and get out that way - the people who live up and down the road are quite good at phoning the school when they see somebody (skipping off). They will drop what they are doing and drive around to the other side of the rugby ground and meet them as they come through. (!)’

Especially important for many schools was the support of the local Māori community. Their consultation and involvement in the policy and procedures development process was important as was their ongoing consultation and involvement in following up absentee students. It was seen as particularly important that appropriate procedures be used and support be given in the case of Māori students who had attendance problems.

Schools in some areas felt that they had a responsibility not only to educate the students, but to also educate the parents about the importance of education. They felt that some parents were uncertain about their parenting abilities and that they needed to support parents in their parenting and the efforts they were making with their children.

STAFF INVOLVEMENT

Ideally, if a system is not already in place, the staff should be involved in the development of monitoring and follow up procedures -

‘The truancy objective actually arose out of the staff saying “we are concerned about the levels of absenteeism”. It came from the staff.’

They should also be consulted about any changes to that system, to fine tune it over time. It was clear from the comments made by respondents during this study that staff commitment to making the system work is essential.

It is important that all staff know exactly what their role is, what they are expected to do and when. They need to know the steps involved in the processes of monitoring and follow-up and understand that, unless each person plays their part, the system will not be effective -

‘The team effort - that’s part or it, a lot of people having input into it. The fact that it’s a uniform approach throughout the school. The fact that we all know what we are doing. It’s all written down and this is what we do.’

Class/form teachers need to be accurate in filling in class rolls and attendance registers and getting notification of absent students to the office or person responsible for the next step in the process as quickly as possible.

Beyond the initial stress of roll taking and recording absentees, most schools felt that those with overall responsibility for attendance should have ‘responsibility’ (ie. recognised authority or status) within the school. One school expanded on this by saying that this would allow the appointed person to ‘lean on’ those teachers who were not doing things properly. For this reason it was often the assistant or deputy principal, a senior mistress, dean, guidance counsellor, or a combination of these who was given the task of overseeing attendance. Two schools used their attendance officer for this (in each case these officers were also on the teaching staff of their respective schools). It was also noted by schools that a good memory as well as good organisational skills were important characteristics of the person assigned overall responsibility for attendance matters.

The reason that some schools felt that it was better if the role was assigned to one person was to ensure that this person would have an overall view and be able to detect emerging patterns; it was further felt that records would be kept more accurately and that there would be less chance of communication breakdown. Other schools felt, however, that the task of monitoring and follow-up coordination was too great for one person and should be shared.

Whatever the division of responsibility decided on by a school, it was clear that those given the responsibility needed to see attendance as a priority and, accordingly, be given a specific time allocation in which to carry out their duties. The commitment - in terms of time - required of staff, to do this job was considerable and, inevitably, in some cases, this caused tension (especially for those who were teachers) between the time spent chasing up students who did not want to be in school, and teaching those who did -

‘(The) dilemma that… we should have as many teachers as possible working with children. And what we for doing for two hours a week or whatever it is having M scooting around and checking up on absences...? In my mind we’d be getting more of our own work from M because she’s an AP and she’s a good teacher actually teaching children, but underneath in this set-up there’s no-one else who could do it. You know, the actual interviewing of children… for example, the office staff, I don’t think its appropriate that they do it’

In the schools which had their services, attendance officers played a crucial role. The success of the system in these schools was largely attributed to the attendance officer doing their job efficiently and effectively. The successful experience of some of these schools in reducing truancy had received media coverage. Several other schools expressed the desire to also employ an attendance officer either full-time for themselves or to share one on a part-time basis with other schools, as they felt that this would enhance the effectiveness of the systems they were already operating.

Communication

It is important for the staff in a school to know that their concerns about absences are acted upon. For this quick efficient communication loops are necessary. If class/form teachers indicate that an absence is of concern to them, then it is important that that concern is acted upon and the information given back to the teacher as quickly as possible.

It is also important that regular meetings at which staff can discuss their concerns about student attendance and strategies for dealing with the problems are held regularly. One guidance counsellor felt that the more that attendance problems were brought into the open and discussed, the more probability there was that something positive could be done. School staff, however, never lost sight of the fact that absenteeism is usually a symptom of a much larger problem and a holistic approach is often needed if the student to come back to school. Thus it is important that communication be extended to include consultation with agencies, individuals, and community groups outside the school. The commitment demonstrated, by those interviewed, to doing the best they possibly could for each student meant that staff, collectively were able to reach some very ‘creative solutions’.

Training

One school in this study had utilised the services of a psychologist to help them develop a nine-point system for improving every child’s behaviour in their school. They had also engaged this person to train them in using it effectively. Other schools mentioned that some of their staff too had had training and/or that staff would like to have some. Training may be required for staff who are responsible for such aspects as making phone calls to parents or visiting families. Careful selection of staff for these tasks is also necessary.

One quality, in particular, of the school staff who were interviewed for this study was their unfailing sense of humour. While believing that it was necessary to take a strong line in order to ensure that students attend school, most found some relief in the antics of their students and admitted that if they could not laugh about these they would get very depressed.

THE ATTENDANCE MONITORING AND FOLLOW-UP SYSTEM ITSELF

Formal Systems of Monitoring and Follow-up
Schools stressed the need for a simple, easily followed system with clearly defined steps and actions.

The forms used, respondents said, need to be well designed and quick to complete, while at the same time conveying all the information that is necessary to ensure that student absences are followed up properly.

Respondents advised that rolls and registers should be completed at specific times of the day and lists of absentee students returned to the office or to the appointed person by a specific time. The way in which these lists arrived at the office varied from school to school and, obviously, schools need to decide whether they will rely on teachers to deliver them or whether they will appoint daily ‘runners’ (students) to collect them. Absences must be recorded accurately on rolls and registers and the coding system clearly understood. Most of the schools visited used a circled ‘A’ to indicate that they had received a satisfactory explanation for the absence.

Feedback to teachers on reasons for absence and action to be taken on prolonged or suspicious absences must be prompt. Likewise, follow-up of unexplained absences should be immediate. This is particularly important at the primary level, where child safety is of concern. Some schools delayed follow-up for two to three days while others had automatic’ telephone lists that went into action as soon as any students on that list were noted as absent. Generally, schools adopted the practice of following up all unexplained absences on the day that they were noted.

Means of detecting students skipping class during the school day should also be put in place. Because of the nature of school organisation and teachers having the same class all day, primary schools tended to operate fairly informal systems to do this - relying on the class teacher to pick this up. Monitoring class attendance at the secondary level was more complex, especially at the senior level where students had more freedom to come and go and had study spells away from the classrooms. For most secondary schools there was a five-way (or six-way) check of students (one roll for each period of the day as well as one for form time) and anyone skipping class was picked up reasonably quickly.

Patterns of absence were monitored through checking of class rolls and registers. The people in the school who were assigned this responsibility did this regularly - daily by the person responsible for follow-up action and weekly or monthly for those whose job it was to oversee and make sure no-one had been missed.

Schools were, increasingly, relying on the use of computer packages for maintaining records. Those who had this facility felt that it was essential to an efficient system. The systems used could generate daily printouts for staff. They could also generate printouts of records for longer periods so teachers could see the attendance patterns of their students.

One school commented, however, that they would not use a computerised system as it would take the personal touch out of their monitoring and they also felt that it was a lot easier to ‘fast track’ action if the monitoring was done by the person with major responsibility for attendance.

Steps for following up absences and the personnel responsible for doing this also need to be clearly defined. Records also need to be kept of what action is taken and when. The order in which steps are taken varies from case to case and according to individual circumstances, but whatever steps are taken the action must be seen by all to be fair and consistent.

Many of the schools visited preferred personal contact where it was possible. Thus schools would make phone calls or visit families rather than writing letters. This, however, was not always possible as some families were becoming increasingly difficult to contact.

Close liaison with families of absentee students was seen as essential by all schools. Visits from and discussions with attendance officers, visiting teachers, or school staff usually solved the problems and got the students back to school.

Records of action taken, dates, and personnel involved must be kept accurately. If a prosecution is initiated it is these records which form the evidence. On the other hand, these records can also avoid doubling up on action, questions, visits, etc if a variety of people are involved in follow-up.

Informal Systems to Monitor and Follow up Attendance

All schools operated informal systems for dealing with matters of attendance. These consisted of casual comments and conversations between staff in the staff room or elsewhere, and between staff and students around the school; noting who was doing what on the way to school or on the way home was another strategy used. In this way, a teacher saw a or heard something that was a little ‘odd’ they could report it the appropriate person -

‘The informal part of our system is as strong, if not stronger than the formal part, and for that you need pretty good staff relationships, where (staff) feel free to talk to each other about pretty well anything and know that they are not going to get their ear chewed even when they have done wrong...’

Schools also admitted that it was sometimes this system rather than the official, formal one that picked up some problems or handed on some pertinent information that may otherwise have been missed.

It was also this system that was often particularly effective in giving positive feedback to students on things that they were doing. A quick comment from a teacher to a student as they passed in the corridor or playground could do a great deal to help the student feel good about themselves.

USING OTHER AGENCIES AND GROUPS

It was said by some respondents that it was important for schools to realise that they could not do everything necessary to help students themselves. They needed assistance and help from other agencies and groups such as the Special Education Service (including the visiting teachers), police, Social Welfare, public health nurses, and a variety of other professional and community groups. Some schools however, found that they could get little assistance from some of these groups. The school’s perception was that the Department of Social Welfare had also undergone changes and could now do little to directly assist schools in their efforts. Schools felt that this was a great loss. On the lack of help available from outside agencies one school group observed -

‘For example (a remedial school in the South Island) - we referred a boy to them earlier this year, but they wouldn’t touch him because he was too bad. Now if he’s too bad for them, here we are coping with him in the (classroom). What are we supposed to do with students like this? There’s nobody who can help us with them. And absenteeism is always an integral part of problems like this.’

Funding cuts had also seen the demise of some agencies used by schools, such as the community workers funded by Quest Rapuara.

The roles of these agencies must also be clearly defined and lines of communication between them and the school maintained so there is no double up or wasted effort. Regular meetings between school staff and others involved in cases were the norm.

WHAT IT TAKES TO MAKE THE SYSTEM WORK

In summary, the keys to dealing with problems of attendance were a positive school atmosphere; having a clearly stated policy, guidelines, and procedures - all of which were communicated to staff, parents and students; good communication between school staff, school and community, and school and helping agencies; fast communication loops and an immediate response to problems or suspicions; and effective follow-up of absentee students and sufficient time allocated to do the job.

Overall the more rigorous the system, the more effective it is likely to be in picking up absences that either have not been notified or are prolonged and/or ‘suspicious’. Systems need not be cumbersome, but, inevitably, the problems will always take more time than they should’. Some schools have gone a long way towards developing elegant, effective systems for monitoring attendance. Flexibility of approach, the use of a variety of personnel according to each situation for follow-up, consistency in application of the system, and being seen to be fair in all situations are also essential. Persistence and an unfailing sense of optimism also help!

In the words of one guidance counsellor -

‘Monitoring attendance is a very unrewarding job because there are always more absentees.’

However, in the same school the belief was also held that -

‘Eventually children tend to grow up and settle down.’

These teachers said that many of their problem students are a lot better now than they had been when they first came to the school.

Footnotes

1. Ingram, P. 1982 Absenteeism in Northland College (1981, unpublished).