Literature Review: Transition from Early Childhood Education to School

Chapter Two: Successful transitions

Introduction

Chapter One highlighted the interest in successful school entry and effective transition practices inherent in a number of Strategic Plans (Ministry of Education, 2002, 2008a, 2008b) and visions for children (eg, Office of the Children’s Commissioner, 2006). This desire to understand transition experiences and foster ‘successful’ transitions underpins much of the transition to school research. However, this aim is not as simple as it first appears. This chapter first outlines some important issues to consider and then, with these factors in mind, critically analyses the themes in the literature that show what successful transitions to school look like. The chapter concludes by discussing indicators of successful and unsuccessful transitions.

Important issues to consider

Three key issues to be considered in relation to any findings on transition are

• the theories underpinning the research and subsequent advice,
  
• the length of the transition period being researched, and
  
• whose voices are heard about the experience.

Theoretically there are many different ways to conceptualise transition. The theoretical stance underpinning a study impacts on what features of transition are seen as important, the data which are gathered, and how they are analysed. Acknowledging both explicit and implicit theoretical views is important in exploring different views regarding ‘success’ and helps to make sense of the range of approaches evident in transition research and the many ways in which ‘successful’ transitions have been conceptualised.

The length of the transition being researched is an important consideration because several studies have found that children’s experiences could change over time (Carr et al., 2009; Gallagher, 2005; Peters, 2004; Smith, in press). Children who find the initial transition difficult may eventually settle, while for others there may be no obvious signs of distress but their learning may be affected by transition-related issues (see Peters, 2004). The six gifted children in Gallagher’s (2005) study were initially positive about their school experiences but the lack of challenge for the children, and the parents’ increasing distrust of teachers, led to problems over time. Hence, “definitions of successful transition now consider long-term trajectories rather than focusing solely on initial adjustments” (Petriwskyj, et al., 2005, p. 66).

A further consideration in the analysis of ‘successful’ transitions is whose voices are heard. Peters (2004) found that family/whānau, ECE teachers, primary school teachers and children sometimes had different views regarding the same transition. What was seen as successful by one group was not necessarily viewed in the same way by another group. An example of this was the arrangements between one ECE service and their local school, which both sets of teachers agreed was working well. However, interviews with parents in that setting revealed that many of them felt confused and excluded by the practices. This impacted on the parents’ ability to support their children when difficulties arose. Several Australian studies by Docket and Perry have also shown that parents, teachers and children have different concerns regarding transition (eg, Dockett & Perry, 2004c, 2007). The review identifies which voices are currently being heard, and where there are gaps.

Theorising ‘successful’ transitions from ECE to school

This review analysed the ways in which transitions have been theorised in recent years to provide an indication of what might characterise a successful transition. (See Peters 2003b for a brief overview of different theoretical approaches to transitions, and Peters, 2004 for a more detailed discussion.)  Current thinking about this issue acknowledges the complex interplay of personal and environmental features. While in the past children’s individual ‘readiness’ was often discussed and seen as essential for school success (eg, Gesell & Ilg, 1965), now readiness is also seen as a condition of families, of schools, and of communities (LoCasale-Crouch, Mashburn, Downer & Pianta, 2008). Petriwskyj et al.’s (2005) literature review traced this change. Nevertheless, these approaches continue to be discussed, although in the 2004-2009 literature interest in ‘readiness’ (in its different forms) seemed to feature in material from the USA more than those from other countries (eg, Graue, 2006; Ladd, Hearld & Kochel, 2006; LoCasale-Crouch, et al., 2008; Magnuson & Waldfogel, 2005).

In moving beyond the focus on the individual to understand the complex interaction of personal and environmental features, Bronfenbrenner (1979) directed attention to the different levels of the environment (micro-, meso-, exo- and macrosystems), and how they both influence and are influenced by a developing person. The microsystems are patterns of activities, roles and relationships experienced in a given setting. The mesosystem comprises the interrelationships between the microsystems. Events in one mircrosystem can affect what happens in another (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). There may be connections between them, (eg, a child’s siblings and friends may be present at both home and school). Communication between settings is also important. Smith (1998) stated that if there are “warm, reciprocal and balanced relationships between pre-school and school teachers the transition will be supportive of development” (p. 14). The exosystem refers to settings that do not involve the developing person but affect or are affected by what happens in the microsystem. One exosytem that is likely to be particularly influential on a child’s development is the parents’ workplace (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). The macrosystem refers to the overriding beliefs, values, ideology, practices and so on that exist, or could exist, within a culture. Some of the features of the New Zealand macrosystem context, with regard to school enrolment policies and curriculum, were outlined in Chapter One.

Bronfenbrenner and Morris (1997) described the interactions, or proximal processes, that vary substantially and systematically “as a function of the characteristics of the developing Person, of the immediate and more remote Environmental Contexts and the Time periods in which the proximal processes take place” (p. 994, emphasis in the original). Person characteristics included dispositions, resources and demand characteristics. These interact with features of the environment that invite, permit or inhibit, engagement.

The part played by the environment is perhaps why Crnic and Lamberty (1994) concluded from their review of literature on school readiness, that “we currently have no theory or credible empirical evidence” to identify specific skills required for school success (p. 96). Skinner, Bryant, Coffman and Campbell (1998) noted that:

there are classroom practices and constructions that, even in the first weeks of school, begin moving some children into the track of school failure. That a child can be on a trajectory for school failure by the age of 5 has led us to examine closely how various meanings and practices, which are historically and culturally constructed, work to define both kindergarten teachers and children and place them in certain relationships vis-a-vis one another. (p. 307)

Most of the factors that were identified in this review connected in some way to the relationships alluded to by Skinner et al. (1998). As Erickson (1985) noted, social class or early childhood experiences do not ‘cause’ school achievement (or problems with school). Instead, ‘people’ influence patterns of experience “in specific interactional occasions” (p. 129, emphasis in the original).

In addition, Macfarlane, Glynn, Cavanagh and Bateman (2007) remind readers that notions of success cannot be based on external and observable behaviours only. For example, achievement may be seen by Māori as “encompassing physical, emotional, and spiritual as well as intellectual growth” (Hirsh, 1990, cited in McGee, Ward, Gibbons & Harlow, 2002, p.61). Some of the themes discussed in this chapter encompass these internal dimensions, as well as more tangible behaviours.

What do successful transitions look like in relation to how children learn and achieve during the transition from ECE to school?

The following sections outline and discuss a number of overlapping and interconnected themes that were evident (either implicitly or explicitly) in the New Zealand literature regarding what successful transitions might look like in relation to how children learn and achieve. Relevant international literature has been woven through as appropriate. The themes regarding successful transitions have been broadly identified as:

• belonging, wellbeing and feeling ‘suitable’ at school;
  
• recognition and acknowledgement of culture;
  
• respectful, reciprocal relationships;
  
• engagement in learning;
  
• learning dispositions and identity as a learner;
  
• positive teacher expectations; and
  
• building on funds of knowledge from early childhood education and home.

Most of the themes focussed on the child’s experience at the microsystem level. However, some research looked at mesosystem factors (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) as a feature of a successful transition, in particular the relationships between the adults involved.

Belonging, wellbeing and feeling ‘suitable’ at school

A predominant theme in the literature was the idea that a successful transition would be one where children developed a sense of belonging in the new setting (Bulkeley & Fabian, 2006; Burley & Wehipeihana, 2005; Brooker, 2008; Broström, 2002; Carr & Peters, 2005; Fabian, 2002; Macfarlane, 2004; Margetts, 2007; Penman, 2006; Podmore, Wendt Samu and the A’oga Samoa, 2006; Simpson & Callaghan, 2005; Tamarua, 2006; Woodhead & Brooker, 2008). UK writers Woodhead and Brooker (2008) provide a detailed overview of this concept, in a volume of the Early Childhood Matters journal devoted to the topic of belonging. They use terms such as ‘feeling secure’, ‘feeling suitable’, ‘feeling like a fish in water’, ‘feeling recognised’ and ‘feeling able to participate’, to provide insights into the concept of belonging.

There are clear links to children’s learning and achievement. Laevers’ work at the Research Centre for Experiential Education highlighted the connection between wellbeing, the sense of being a ‘fish in water’, and deep involvement: a condition that brings about deep level learning at the very limits of a child’s capabilities (Laevers, 2005). Efforts to enhance involvement will only have an impact if children and students feel at home and are free from emotional constraints (Laevers, n.d.).  Similarly, Broström (2002), a Danish writer, stated that “feeling suitable is crucial to the child’s learning and development, as well as to a fundamental and continuous sense of wellbeing” (p. 52). A small study in the UK by Bulkeley and Fabian (2006) identified “the importance of social and emotional wellbeing in providing a firm foundation from which children can explore and become active learners” (p. 28). A sense of belonging has been linked not only to school success, but also to later life success (Capps, 2003, cited in Clinton, 2008, p. 32).

Some points covered by Woodhead and Brooker (2008), especially in relation to feeling suitable, overlap with ‘learning to do school’. This has been identified as important in earlier studies. For example, Hill, Comber, Louden, Rivalland and Reid (1998) proposed that before children could focus on the content of schooling, learning the culture of the school, and their role within it (that is, what it means to ‘do school’) was a necessary step. However, the two are considered as related but separate ideas in this review because in some cases learning to ‘do school’ may require leaving behind what is valued at home and in the community. Thomson (2002) commented that in these cases a child may choose not to become differentiated through school success, and research with older children highlights the value of being known for who one is (an authentic self, as opposed to a front or mask) whilst also keeping open a range of new possibilities (Warin & Muldoon, 2009). Therefore, contexts where a child has to dress, speak, play and behave ‘suitably’ (Woodhead & Brooker, 2008) is rather different to the sense of belonging being discussed here, which is more to do with knowing one’s self, being known by others and being valued and accepted for who you are.

Simpson and Callaghan (2005) describe Mana Whenua, a related concept from a Māori world view:

From a Māori perspective, the concept of Mana Whenua (Belonging) becomes even more important when you examine the individual terms “Mana” and “Whenua.”

Whenua is a term that can be used to denote the placenta, the term whenua is also used in relation to land. This highlights the important connection between people and the land. Traditionally, the identification of prominent landmarks such as mountains, rivers and lakes helped to establish tribal and sub-tribal connections. The whenua in the traditional context was therefore fundamental to identity.

The word Mana is often used in reference to prestige, power and influence. It is very difficult to have prestige and exert power or influence when you do not know who you are.

When you introduce both terms together, Mana Whenua, the relationship between identity and prestige is emphasised. Mana Whenua can only be achieved when you are accepted and valued for who you are and where you come from. We believe that Mana Whenua (Belonging) provides the foundation for relationships, communication, managing oneself, thinking and making meaning about ourselves, others, and the world. (p. 39)

Macfarlane (2004), writing about culturally responsive teaching with a class of Year 1 and 2 Māori students, also mentioned the value of belonging and its connection with the relationships students experience with their teachers. All of the children had previously been identified as having learning and behaviour difficulties in their regular classrooms, but in this class, where the teacher felt belonging had been established, the children were motivated to achieve better; withdrawn children became vocal contributors and impulsive children seemed more in control of themselves. This highlighted that the problems were contextual, as was their resolution.

Given the evidence of its importance for student engagement and learning, the place of belonging in the New Zealand school curriculum was hotly debated during the consultation phase (see Rutherford, 2005), although in the end Participating and Contributing (Ministry of Education, 2007a, p. 13) replaced the draft competency of belonging. Mana whenua - Belonging is, however, a key strand in the early childhood curriculum (Ministry of Education, 1996), and this is aligned with Participating and Contributing in the school curriculum (Ministry of Education, 2007a).

Although the terminology is different, the notion of inclusion seemed to fit within this theme of wellbeing and belonging. Successful transitions in Rietveld’s (2003, 2008) study of boys with Down Syndrome and ‘typically developing boys’ included becoming a valued and contributing member of the class and school, and participating in the full range of culturally-valued roles of that setting. Inclusion (and exclusion) was subtly played out in the language and power evident in classroom observations, with teachers playing a key role in determining how children were positioned in a setting and the nature of their peer interactions.

Recognition and acknowledgment of culture

The role of the environment in fostering a sense of belonging relates to recent New Zealand literature which draws attention to the importance of children experiencing school contexts where their values, languages and cultural knowledge are an implicit part of teaching and learning practices (Fletcher, Parkhill, Fa’afoi, Tufulasi Taleni & O’Regan, 2009; Macfarlane, 2007). This is particularly noted for Pasifika students (Fletcher, et al., 2009; Podmore, Suavao & Mapa, 2003) and Māori students (Bishop & Berryman, 2006; Macfarlane, 2004; Macfarlane et al., 2007; McGee et al., 2002). Although most of these writers were not looking at starting school, their work provides implications for viewing successful transitions. Success in the classroom should not require students to “leave their cultural identity at the gate” (Macfarlane et al., 2007, p. 74). This fits with Ministry of Education’s (2008a) aims to step up the performance of the education system to ensure “Māori are enjoying education success as Māori” (p. 10).

Research with Aboriginal parents in Australia found that families felt that visible evidence of their culture in schools, along with the presence of Aboriginal people within the school such as teachers, aides, general staff, members of school councils and committees, was crucial in helping Aboriginal children to “feel as if they belong in the school environment” (Dockett, Mason & Perry, 2006, p. 114).

Respectful, reciprocal relationships

Relationships are frequently cited as being “core to a successful transition” (eg, Dockett & Perry, 2008b, p. 275). This theme has several components. For children, having friends is widely recognised as a feature of a successful transition. Another aspect is the relationships between children and teachers, and finally, the relationships between the adults involved in the transition, most notably the family, school teachers and early childhood teachers.

Friends

Developing and maintaining children’s friendships has been identified as a key feature of a successful transition to school (Belcher, 2006; Brooker, 2008; Bulkeley & Fabian, 2006; Denham, 2006; Docket & Perry, 2005a, 2005c; Ladd et al., 2006; Margetts, 2006; Peters, 2004). Ladd et al. (2006) noted that children must succeed at forming relationships with their same-age peers, whilst also competing for resources and attention due to the higher ration of children to adults than they would experience in early childhood settings or at home. It appears that those children who can negotiate classroom life and build relationships are likely to make a successful transition (O’Kane, 2007). Even in a study of new entrant mathematics, friendships were a dominant theme. As Belcher (2006) notes, “whilst grappling with their role as a learner in a new environment, ways of relating to others were uppermost in children’s minds” (p. 46).

Neuman (2007a) noted:

…children’s siblings, friends and their wider peer group can be highly significant as sources of shared experience and social support, collectively bridging the familiar and the unfamiliar. This is especially true in situations where children feel solidarity with friends in making transitions. (p. 56)

Case studies in Peters’ (2003, 2004) research identified the scaffolding and support friends provided.

Ladd et al. (2006) and Denham (2006) cite a number of studies linking poor transitions with not having a friend and peer group rejection to school avoidance, loneliness and underachievement. In contrast, having friends and making new friends was associated with positive feelings about school and better academic achievement than children with few friends. Similar findings have been found for children with special needs (Carlson et al., 2009; McIntyre, Blacher & Baker, 2006). However, as with all correlations, the nature of the relationship between friends and attitudes is not clear. For example, whether children who are happy and engaged at school are able to make more friends, whether making friends leads to greater enjoyment and engagement, or whether other mediating factors may also be at work.

Children’s relationships with teachers

Within the new peer milieu, school children also have to negotiate a new relationship with their teacher (Ladd et al., 2006). Looking at influences on achievement, Hattie (2009) found that “the most critical aspects contributed by the teacher are the quality of teaching, and the nature of the student-teacher relationships” (p. 126). Myers and Pianta (2008) discuss the link between problem behaviours and negative student-teacher interactions. The quality of the teacher-child relationship has been shown to affect the child’s adjustment to school (Harrison, Clarke & Unger, 2003; Murray, Waas & Murray, 2008). Positive relationships appeared to be particularly important for children in low-income urban areas (Murray et al., 2008). Mashburn and Pianta (2006) cited a range of literature which indicates that the nature of the child’s relationship with teachers is not only important at the transition time, but can have a long-lasting effect on the child’s success at school. This has been evident in New Zealand in Bishop, Berryman, Tiakiwai & Richardson’s (2003) research with Māori children at high school, and in Belcher’s (2006) observations of the way new entrant children’s relationship with the teacher appeared to impact on their experiences in school. In Carr et al.’s (2008) study, Tina Williams and Mary Simpson, the Māori members of the research team, likened the relationship between teacher and learner to a tuangi:

One side of the shell represents the resourceful learner (akonga) and the other side represents the resourceful teacher (kaiako). There is no separation between the two, both the teacher and the learner are positioned at the centre of the teaching learning process. If there is distance between the teacher and the learner, the learning process is compromised. (pp. 47-48)

Rietveld (2008) found the nature of the relationships in each setting influenced inclusion; this applied to adult relationships with the child as well as between peers.

Adult relationships

Pianta (2004) proposed that a child’s competence at the beginning school level “may not be the only or the best outcome measure of a successful transition. Instead, the quality of the parents’ relationships with teachers, with school staff, and with the child’s schooling may be an equally valid indicator of transition outcome” (p. 6). Dockett and Perry (2006) described the establishment of collaborative and respectful relationships as the basis of a positive transition to school, and this is a feature of many of their projects.

When children have special needs, positive relationships between all parties, including specialist staff, are seen as an aspect of a successful transition (Faloon, n.d., Ministry of Education, 2005; Rosenkoetter, Hains & Dogaru, 2007; Salter & Redman, 2007). This includes parents being able to trust that teachers have their child’s best interests at heart and that parents and teachers feel they are partners (Ministry of Education, 2005). By the same token, when parent-teacher relationships break down, as in Gallagher’s (2005, 2006) study, it raises questions about the success of the transition when considered in the longer term.

Engagement in learning

There are clear links between engagement in learning and the deep involvement discussed in the earlier section on belonging. Relationships play a part in this too, especially if the teacher is to get to know the child well enough to find learning contexts and challenges that will be engaging.

Deep involvement is only possible when an activity is appropriately challenging (Laevers, 2005). Csikszentmihalyi (1990) described the state experienced by people who are completely absorbed in a task that they find enjoyable as “flow”. Challenges that are too great produce frustration, worry and eventually anxiety, while too little challenge may lead to boredom (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990, 1997). This is important for learning because in order to keep experiencing the intrinsically rewarding state of flow, learners must engage in more progressively complex challenges (Nakamura & Csikszentmihalyi, 2005).

While “the flow experience acts as a magnet for learning – that is, for developing new levels of challenges and skills” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997, p. 33), Mitchell (1998) noted that an individual is unlikely to experience flow all the time. However, an ongoing mismatch between the challenges faced and a person’s perceived skills is problematic (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997; Mitchell, 1998). Although Mitchell and Csikszentmihalyi were not writing about new entrants, children appear to indicate that engagement in learning is part of a successful transition (Belcher, 2006; Gallagher, 2005, 2006; Peters, 2004). A child’s response to such engagement was summed up nicely by the delight one boy in Belcher’s (2006) study expressed after an incident when he was deeply involved and working at a high level. The teacher noted that “Your brain is really thinking” and he responded “And my heart is thinking” (p. 51). When Carr et al. (2009) found evidence of deep engagement in new entrant classes, these episodes were characterised by a balance between ability and challenge, and there was usually plenty of time. In contrast, work that was too easy has been shown to be as problematic as work that was too hard (Belcher, 2006; Peters, 2004), especially for gifted students (Gallagher, 2005, 2006).

Although engagement in learning is seen as a key aspect of a successful transition, small case studies prior to the 2007 school curriculum reflected some New Zealand teachers’ frustrations with school demands and approaches to learning that seemed to the teachers involved as inappropriate, because they found that they worked against fostering children’s engagement in learning (Burley & Wehipeihana, 2005; James, 2005).

Learning dispositions and identity as a learner

Another view of success that was evident in the literature was for children to establish a positive identity as a learner at school, and to develop positive learning dispositions, so they are “ready, willing and able” to engage with learning and utilise the knowledge and skills that develop (see for example, Carr, 2001; Claxton, 2006, 2007; Claxton & Carr, 2004). Carr et al. (2009) noted that dispositions “act as an affective and cultural filter for trajectories of learning in the making. They can turn knowledge and skill into action…[they] are strengthened, adapted, transformed or interrupted by circumstances and experience” (p. 15). They should be viewed as verbs rather than nouns (things to be acquired) as a learner becomes more or less disposed to respond in particular ways (Claxton & Carr, 2004).

Learning dispositions are central outcomes for early childhood education (Ministry of Education, 1996). Recent research describes reciprocity, imagination (Carr et al., 2009) and resilience (Brooker, 2008; Carr et al., 2009) as important for children’s learning in the long-term. Similarly, Claxton’s (2002) description of developing “learning power” includes increasing the four “Rs” of reciprocity, resilience, resourceful and reflectiveness. The learning dispositions described by these authors are closely aligned with the key competences that originated in OECD work (Carr et al., 2008; Rychen & Salganik, 2003), and are now reflected in the New Zealand curriculum (Ministry of Education, 2007). 

This has important implications for transition, as research documenting children’s learning over 18 months as they moved from early childhood settings to school, led Carr et al. (2009) to conclude that “children’s learning dispositions are fragile in the onslaught of any school curriculum that is packed with compulsory tasks, tight scheduling and summative assessments – and does not recognise learning dispositions in practice or in documentation” (p. 220). They argue that if these learning dispositions are to become robust, both curriculum and pedagogy should focus more deliberately on their enhancement. A successful transition is likely to be enhanced by a classroom programme that encourages children to “give things a go”, try something new, and persist when it’s difficult (Carr et al., 2008; James, 2005).

Related to this is children’s identity as a learner. Penman’s (2006) review cites research to suggest that positive self-identity as a learner is even more important than a positive cultural identity in relation to academic outcomes. However, the majority of the literature identified this aspect of success implicitly in response to the negative consequences of not developing a positive identity as a learner at school. The claim that new entrant children know “nothing” or “come in with nothing” is still occasionally raised by teachers (eg, teacher interviews in “A better start for the future”, 2009, p. 3; Tamarua, 2006, p. 99) and this overlooking of the strengths that children bring can have implications for their success as learners.

The literature reviewed suggested a complex interplay between children’s achievement on school tasks, how they were positioned as a learner, and the impact on their ongoing learning experiences. Some children are positioned early on as being ‘poor learners’ in some way. A number of studies show the negative cycles of experience that can develop from this (Chapman, Tunmer, & Prochnow, 2004; Peters, 2004). For example, children viewed by their teachers as poor readers were rated as being less happy, having less adaptive classroom behaviours and more classroom problems (Chapman et al., 2004). Although the focus of Chapman et al.’s study was on the teaching of reading, it can also be seen to raise questions about the nature of the relationships these children had with their teachers. Research with older children has shown that problem student behaviour may arise from the nature of the interactions within the classroom, and that success depends on changing the environment (Bishop, Berryman, Tiakiwai & Richardson, 2003; Macfarlane, 2007; Macfarlane, et al., 2007). Findings like Chapman et al.’s indicate a need for more research to understand the reasons behind correlations of behaviour with low achievement.

Where detailed case studies are available, they have shown how quickly a bright, enthusiastic child can be positioned as having difficulties, and how a number of factors combine to lead to a dislike of school (Peters, 2004). The way a child is positioned academically in the classroom has been shown to influence not only the learning experiences that are offered (McNaughton, 2002) but also the way they are perceived by peers, and therefore their social experiences too (Peters, 2003a, 2004; Pollard & Filer, 1999; Rietveld, 2008).

New Zealand teachers have been trialling new ways of assessing and reporting which provide richer, contextualised information about both key competencies and learning areas (eg, Carr et al., 2008; Davis & Molloy, 2005; Wilson, 2005). This, along with changes in curriculum and what is recognised as valued learning, will hopefully assist children in maintaining or developing positive identities as learner, but further research may be necessary to explore this in practice.

Positive teacher expectations

Linked with the points discussed above, successful transitions may be ones where teachers have positive expectations for their students. Peters (2004) found that children’s (sometimes erroneous) reputations start to be developed early, as teachers formed opinions based on early childhood service attended, family composition and prior contact with families, and these impacted on the experiences children had and the way their behaviour was interpreted. Docket et al. (2006) identified low teacher expectations for Aboriginal children. Despite their communicative competence, teachers tended to form an opinion that many Aboriginal children had major deficits in literacy skills.

Based on their research into teacher expectations and judgements, and the reading achievement of their pupils, Rubie-Davies, Hattie and Hamilton (2006) noted that expectation effects were one explanation for the limited progress of the Māori students in their project. For Pacific Island, Asian and New Zealand European students, positive self-fulfilling prophecies may have been operating. The researchers suggested that future research could investigate the learning opportunities provided to these ethnic groups and the relationship of these to teachers’ expectations. Hattie (2009) reminds teachers, if they are going to have expectations they should make them challenging, appropriate and checkable.

Although outside the period for this review, Skinner et al.’s (1998) study of former Head Start children was significant because of the insights it provided. Their research showed how a teacher’s expectations and actions helped children whose skills and behaviours were not those deemed as successful by school standards, to do well in her class. Teacher practices that worked best included high expectations, an emphasis on what children could do, praise, gentle redirection of inappropriate behaviour, and a caring attitude. The study drew attention to the ways school contributes to a child’s notions of self as a good or bad student, and the importance of creating promise instead of risk.

Building on funds of knowledge from early childhood education and home

Children often experience sharp differences in the curriculum when they begin primary school (Neuman, 2007a; Petriwskyi, Thorpe & Taylor, 2005). Navigating these differences and making connections is identified in the literature as another feature of a successful transition. However, how to achieve this is a topic of debate in the starting school literature. One approach to continuity focuses on encouraging families to engage in school-like activities and behaviours, something which, although potentially helpful, “runs the risk of a form of cultural imperialism” (Turoa, Wolfgramm, Tanielu & McNaughton, 2002, p. 6) and may run counter to belonging and recognition of culture that were discussed earlier. An alternative is to change school practices to reflect those that are valued in the community.

One way of thinking about community practices is Thomson’s (2002) description of ‘virtual school bags’, which children bring to school filled with knowledge, experiences and dispositions. These virtual school bags are “variously opened, mediated and ignored” (p. 9). If this practice continues, the gap grows between the children who are born fortunate by virtue of their class, heritage or gender and whose ‘virtual school bags’ are opened and welcomed, when compared with those whose existing knowledge and dispositions are ignored. To counter this, teachers in Kamler and Comber’s (2005) Australian study began to think about what might be hidden away in children’s virtual school bags, and became ethnographers of communities to learn about cultural resources. This helped teachers re-assess their students’ potential and design pedagogies to connect them to the literacy curriculum. In New Zealand, Tamarua’s (2006) smaller study of Māori children starting school also attributed successful transitions and literacy learning to teachers’ ability to incorporate familiar features of children’s expertise into a classroom activity that was unfamiliar.

After moving to England from Australia, Thomson noted the impact that curriculum has on teachers’ ability to incorporate children’s existing funds of knowledge. Writing with Hall, she commented that in the current context of English schooling there was “little official opening for family, local and community knowledge, despite ongoing research which suggests that the inclusion of such ‘funds’ can be important ‘scaffolding’ for children whose languages, heritages and ways of being in the world are not those valued in schooling” (Thomson & Hall, 2008, p. 87).

Where the school curriculum requires learning that is different to that valued at home, and there is little room for flexibility, another approach is to recognise and affirm children’s identity and expertise, and ensure that bridges are made between the learner’s current resources and those being taught (Turoa et al., 2002). It is, therefore, clear that ideas about successful transitions in this instance are mediated by the cultural context, in particular, the nature of the school curriculum guiding practice.

Phillips, McNaughton and MacDonald (2004) indicated that a degree of discontinuity is probably inevitable. Providing that there is appropriate support and scaffolding to bridge the differences, some discontinuity can be negotiated and may actually be a basis for learning (Phillips, McNaughton & MacDonald, 2004; Peters, 2004). Research with children suggests that they expect some changes when they get to school, and look forward to new achievements (Brooker, 2008; Einarsdóttir, 2007).

Therefore, while the topic is the subject of much debate, the general consensus seems to be that rather than offering exactly the same kinds of learning experiences in both sectors, or at home and at school, there should be sufficient connections between learning at school and prior learning. In a successful transition it seems that schools will pick up and build on the funds of knowledge and ways of learning that children bring.

Indicators of ‘successful’ transitions and ‘unsuccessful’ transitions

The complexity of individual experiences, and the multiple factors that influence each child’s learning, mean that rather than defining indicators of successful and/or unsuccessful transitions, this review has indicated a number of issues that teachers and families can be alert to. In developing the themes in this chapter, ideas have been inferred from findings where the transition appears less than satisfactory (for example, where children have been unhappy, disengaged or encountered deficit approaches), as well as from positive experiences. Overall, this chapter has indicated that key issues for consideration relate to:

• belonging, wellbeing and feeling ‘suitable’ at school;
  
• recognition and acknowledgement of culture;
  
• respectful, reciprocal relationships;
  
• engagement in learning;
  
• learning dispositions and identity as a learner;
  
• positive teacher expectations; and
  
• building on funds of knowledge from early childhood education and home.

Some of these features are not directly observable in children, although they may be inferred. They require supportive microsystems at school and positive relationships between settings (mesosystem links) (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). For example, a focus on belonging, involvement and wellbeing “places the onus for the outcomes for children on the adults, making a judgment about the context, rather than the child. It gives immediate feedback about the effect of the educators’ approach and the environment they establish” (Laevers, 1999 cited in Goldspink, Winter & Foster, 2008, p. 3).

Therefore, as discussed earlier, any indicators that are based solely on assessments of the children are likely to be problematic. Pianta (2004), a leading transitions researcher in the USA, noted, “Our analysis of over 70 published studies has shown significant instability in the way children perform on formal assessments of academic and social skills during the transition period” (p. 5).

Indicators of successful or unsuccessful transitions should therefore take a wide approach and acknowledge the many factors involved. As Dockett and Perry (2004c, p. 187) noted, “promoting a successful start to school for children requires that educators focus on the perspectives, experiences and expectations of all involved in the process. Only then can we work towards strategies and approaches that value participants, and promote genuine collaboration”. They advocate a community approach and provide information about how this might be achieved (eg, Dockett & Perry, 2006, 2008b).

With this in mind, it is also acknowledged that indicators of successful transitions look beyond the immediate interactions of the participants to the wider exo- and macrosystem factors (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Graue (2006) outlined the Wisconsin ‘readiness indicators’ which focused primarily on family and community support; for example, access to health care, parental income and employment, parental support, early childhood education, community conditions, and so on. Canadian researchers Lapointe, Ford and Zumbo (2007) also focused on the need to provide safe and supportive neighbourhood environments when considering success at school. These important contextual features must be addressed in addition to the features of the school environment, in order to foster healthy children with positive approaches to learning and well developed social and cognitive abilities (Graue, 2006).

Finally, it is important to ensure that when a transition appears less than successful, this is not treated as inevitable but rather an opportunity to explore strategies to assist in developing a more positive cycle of experience.

This chapter has explored successful transitions for all children. Chapter Three will consider whether there are particular characteristics of the child, family, ECE service or school which appear to play a role in how well children transition. The themes covered here in Chapter Two underpin the overview of different groups discussed in Chapter Three, and are picked up again in Chapter Four and Chapter Five as the ideas regarding success impact on the range of ways of supporting transitions.