3. Patterns of performance

One of the questions we have been investigating in the Competent Children Competent Learners project is whether student performance changes over time, and in particular whether it is possible to lift the levels of the lowest-performing students.

We have found that both cognitive and attitudinal competency stay reasonably consistent over time. Those who performed well in the competency tests at age 5 were likely to perform well again at age 16. Those who performed poorly at age 5 were likely to still be struggling at age 16—or to have left school altogether.

However, some low-performing students did make gradual but sustained improvements. This suggests that, given the right support, students who begin school with poor competency levels can respond to changing experiences, opportunities and relationships, and build on what they achieve.

CHANGES IN COGNITIVE COMPETENCY

Our data continues to show that students’ literacy, numeracy and logical problem-solving performance remains reasonably consistent over time. Overall, just under half of the students were performing at much the same level at age 16 as they were at age 5.

The students whose cognitive performance was least likely to change were those with the lowest level of performance. This lack of improvement reflects the particular challenges faced by children who begin school with low levels of cognitive competency.

We have found that the performance of low-achieving students is even less likely to improve after the age of 8. Around three-quarters of those who had low literacy and numeracy levels at age 8 still had low levels at age 16. Their age-8 performance was also closely linked to how well they performed in the secondary school qualification NCEA.

This suggests that the first three years of school are also important in helping to lift the performance of children with low levels of cognitive competency. In order to lay the foundations for future educational success, these children need ongoing learning opportunities and support between the ages of 5 and 8. These learning opportunities need to be provided at school and at home.

We also found that while some low-performing students made large gains in a short time, they did not always sustain these gains. Students who made steady, rather than sudden, improvements were more likely to sustain them. This suggests that consistent, ongoing opportunities and support are likely to be more effective in lifting the performance of low-performing students than one-off boosts with no follow-up.

CHANGES IN ATTITUDINAL COMPETENCY

Attitudinal competencies are more related to context. Teachers at different levels of the school system may have different expectations. Attitudinal competencies also appear to be more strongly related to a student’s current situation: their family income, their susceptibility to peer pressure and the school culture.

Of those students who had the lowest levels of attitudinal competency at age five, only a third still had low levels at age 16. Almost a fifth had developed very high levels of attitudinal competency during that period.

Students who have high levels of attitudinal competency when they start school may not maintain them. A fifth of those who began the project with high competency had low levels by age 16.

ASSOCIATIONS WITH SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS

Most national analyses of student performance measure just two social characteristics —ethnicity and gender. In most cases, this is the only data on social characteristics available from schools. However, in this study we have collected information on two other social characteristics—maternal qualification and family income levels.

Analysing all four of these key social characteristics at the same time gives us a different picture from the one provided when only ethnicity and/or gender are taken into consideration.

Of the four social characteristics we measure, maternal education levels have the largest association with students’ cognitive and attitudinal competencies at age 16. Students whose mothers have high education levels are more likely to start school with high competency levels, and to maintain this high level of performance.

This difference in performance is linked to the kinds of opportunities and support that the children of highly educated mothers tend to have. In this study we have found that they are more likely than the children of less-educated mothers to have experiences that expand their knowledge and skills, such as:

• talking with parents (and others) in ways that expand their vocabulary and encourage them to think and reply
• playing games that use patterns or language, such as card or board games
• singing or learning to play a musical instrument.
  

Gender shows a similar association as maternal qualifications with literacy levels and with some of the attitudinal competencies. Young women have higher literacy levels and better social skills than young men, and they are less likely to get into social difficulties.

However, gender is not related to numeracy or logical problem-solving-skills.

Family income is closely related to maternal qualification levels; children whose families have a high income tend also to have mothers who are highly educated. Once this association is accounted for, family income on its own has a relatively small association with competency levels. However, we found that family income at age 5 continues to have a statistically significant association with literacy and numeracy levels at age 16. Age-16 family income levels are also associated with literacy and numeracy levels.

Ethnicity has much less association with competency levels than the other three social characteristics. Our analysis suggests that it is not ethnicity itself which creates the gaps in performance between different ethnic groups, but rather the association between ethnicity and maternal education levels and family income. Māori and Pacific children, for example, are more likely to have mothers with low levels of education, and a low family income. Low levels of maternal education and family income affect the kinds of experiences that parents can provide—and afford—for their children. They are also likely to make both parents and children feel less confident about engaging with the education system.

IDENTIFYING STUDENTS AT RISK

It is important to note that social characteristics on their own account for only some of the differences in student performance. Government policy correctly emphasises the need to improve the performance of Mäori and Pacific students. As New Zealand tackles this challenge, we also need more information on actual levels of performance for individual learners, since there are high performers in every social group.

We can also gain useful information about children’s needs by looking at their interests. These can provide a guide for both parents and teachers about how well a child or young person is doing.

Some quick indicators that suggest a child or young person is doing well are:

• they enjoy reading
• they have interests that provide goals and challenges, and a sense of achievement
• they have interests that involve communication or the use of symbols.
  

Some quick indicators that suggest a child or young person is not doing well are:

• their main leisure activity is television or computer games
• they have no interests
• they are involved in bullying.
  

ASSOCIATIONS BETWEEN THE COMPETENCIES

One of our most interesting discoveries during this project has been that children need opportunities to develop both their cognitive and attitudinal competencies. The two types of competency feed into each other. Successful learning helps students develop a good attitude towards learning. This in turn helps them to gain more knowledge and skills.

The opposite is true for students who do not experience successful learning. Their lack of success affects their attitude towards learning, which then makes it harder for them to gain more knowledge and skills.

This association between the two competencies is reflected in our findings about how they are related over time. We have found that a student’s cognitive competency at one age is not only closely associated with their cognitive competency two years later; it can also be used to predict their attitudinal competency two years later.

By age 16, this relationship is reflected in NCEA scores. A student’s attitudes and behaviour are as important as their cognitive levels in how well they do in NCEA.

HOW EARLY SCHOOL LEAVERS PERFORMED

Early school leavers (those who leave school at 16) tended to score lower for both types of competency. In the case of cognitive competency, this reflects differences that were already in place at the age of 5.

However, many school leavers had average scores for attitudinal competency at the age of 5, and did not show lower average scores until a few years later. This probably reflects their growing discomfort with school as their difficulties with literacy and numeracy made it difficult for them in other aspects of the curriculum, since literacy and numeracy are key foundations for much of the work of school. It is likely that as they struggled with school work they looked for affirmation outside of school.

IMPLICATIONS

Our study suggests that students who become disengaged from learning do so before they turn 12. Their lack of engagement escalates during adolescence and at secondary school.

This suggests that it is important to help students develop the knowledge and attitudes that support learning in their pre-school and early school years. Our findings have shown that this can be done by providing children with activities that build on their interests, knowledge and skills, and by taking an active interest in and supporting these learning activities.

It is also important that children start school with a solid foundation in literacy and numeracy – familiarity with letters and numbers, and an understanding that text and symbols carry meaning. This means they are more likely to develop the attitudes they need to build on that knowledge. Early school success in literacy and numeracy helps children develop perseverance, and the ability to listen and contribute. This in turn helps increase their knowledge and understanding.

This close association between knowledge and attitude is crucial. It makes it vital for parents and teachers to provide young children with activities that extend both their knowledge and their attitude towards learning—to provide children with ‘two for the price of one’. Examples include games with adults and older children, and activities that provide enjoyment and interaction. It is also important that we involve children in activities that have a goal which can be achieved with concentration and effort. Like any other area of skill and knowledge, the key competencies are not innate or a matter of personality, they need to be deliberately fostered by teachers and parents.

Our findings also underline the value of including the key competencies in the revised national curriculum, and support the more integrated approach to curriculum that many schools are starting to take.

It is also important to provide continuing support for children who lack the advantages of highly educated mothers and reasonable levels of family income. One way of doing this is by providing high-quality early childhood education. Another is to help parents provide their children with richer home experiences. Other options that may be helpful are home-school partnerships that can help parents support their children’s learning. Ensuring that we provide cultural and sporting opportunities in all schools and neighbourhoods should also help. Opportunities to create music, to dance, and to create art, or work in a team, towards challenging goals, allow children to develop themselves through pursuing interests that are more than passive or one-off events.